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UNITED ST 








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ANTIflLAVEKY 



MA N U A L, 



oo«T4tinjio A ooLiscnea m 



FACTS AND ARGUMENTfl 



AnrRic A\ «i. \vi:hv 



»T aST. i^ KoW«VflJfaUJUIX>. 



NBW.TORK: 

PISRCY * RECU, 7 TUEaTRE ALLST 

1837. 



Entered, acconUnj? to Acl of Congress, m the yetr 1837, 

BY REV. LA ROT SUMDERLAaO, 

In the Clerk'* Ofliice o( the District Court of New- York. 



J -2 S2. 



PR K F A «' i: 



Im whaUJTcr poinU of view wo look al lh« quettion of 
Aiiirrican Slavery, il aMuroca an a«}>«ct of the ^walcal 
importance. If il iwrrly atlecled ihe Icmporai iuloreaU 
of tlio ensUvoti. or iho projcut pcaco and aafoty of ihe 
•niiUvora. il would prewnl claun* upon iho tllenlion of 
thia onliro nation, which no well informed poUticun, no 
Iruo patriot, could find il pOMiblo to paaa by witJioul the 
moat •eriouN and candid exaininatiun. 

Hut Uiiii nioracntoua question machea beyond iho y rave, 
it involvi'a conM?«juenc«a a« rval aa the umnduig dwplea. 
aure of l\w offended Doily, or llio bli»a of ovirlaatinK 
life. How, then, can Iho faithful Watchman upon tho 
walla of Zioo, deny to Uiia nubjecl that coniidrralion 
which iU awful importaoco demand* 7 How can it 
be con«i«t««nt for profpiwing Chriatiani to aock for n. 
knowledge of the condition of tho hoathen, in foreign 
land», when they iu»y know, and should know, that i 
Oktion of heathen, witiiout the Bible, and generally with- 
out the moans of grace, are hero — in tiieir rtry.mid«t 1 

Tho design of thiji book i» to give a auccincl view of 
the question of American Slarory. with which it eon- 
cerna every man, woman, and child, in ihia ('liri»lian 
Republic, to bo familiarly acquaint4Ml. In aclecting such 
facia aa wa« deemed proper to preaent on this •ulijcct. 
the author found it, nec»aaary to abridge a large nia»a of 
iuatter, which he had originally prepared for ihia work- 



IV PREFACE. 

Hence, the reader will find here, that number of facta 
only, which is barely sufficient to give a connected view 
of the question under notice, and by no nieani ull ihal 
might be presented upon it. 

The author hopes this li * book may not provi* an 
unacceptable vade mecum, lo all the friends of the Anti- 
Slavery cause, and especially to Anli Slavery Ag'*ntj, 
and others who may wish to plead the cause of God's 
suffering poor. 

" Facts are stubborn things.'' Those hero effort d for 
the notice of the reader, will speak for ihcinsclvci. If 
tho arguments in the following pages are deemed incon* 
elusive, it remains for our opponent? to confute ihem. 

Office of Z ion's Watchman, ) 
New.York, March 27th, 1837. i 



CONTENTS 



CHAr. I. 

American SUTvrj. 

ciur. II. 

Nu coior •zempt frooi SlaToiy, ui the UoiUd SUU«. 

ciur. 111. 

Numb«r ciuUrMl. 

CtlAr. IT. 

Ciril coodiUon of ihe enaUved. 

« lur. r. 
Mor.il i-oudtttoo of the oniltvcj. 

CUAf. VI. 

Bible Argitmeut ia favor of AniericAo 8UT«r]r, answered 

aur. Tit. 

Jewiab aoniUide unUko Amerieaa SltTery. 

ciur. Till. 

Scripiuri' Artruincnt spinal Slarorr. 

cuAr. u. 

9«DUincnta U\urtt)l« to tho porpcUitty of AmerictM 

Slavery. 

ciur. z. 

Praclical Slavery. 

C&AF. zi. 

Immeditte Cmaocip«Uv. 



CMAP. XII. 

Explanation. 

CHAP. XIII. 

Facts Demonstrating the safety of Immediate and 
Unconditional Emancipation. 

CHAP. XIV. 

Facts Demonstrating the danger of continued hjlaverj. 

CHAP. XV. 

The United States a Slave holding: nation. 

CHAP. XVI. 

Reasons for discussing the subject of Slavery at iho North, 

CHAP. XVII 

American Slav© Trade. 

CHAP. XVIII. 

Abolitionists. 

«KAP. XIX. 

Constitution of the United States. 

CHAP. XI. 

United States' Laws against the Slave Trmd©. 
CHAP. x.xi. 
Freedom of Speech and of the Pre?*. 

CHAP. XXII. 

Objections Answered. 



-.* 



CHAPTER I. 

AMERICAN SLAVERY. 

lU' American Sl.ivery is meant the condition of 
tlioso Americans who are claimed, held and treated, 
in these United Slates, as properly. 

A Rinvc is one who is in the power of a master 
to whom he belonjrs. The master may sell hiniy 
dispose nf hig person, his induslnj, and his labor ; 
lie can do nol/tin;, ])ossess nothing, nor acquire 
(iny iluni;, tut xchnt must hcloni* to his master — 
Louisiana Codf, 

The same code, speaking of ihc legal nature of 
slave pmperty, says : — 

Slaves, fhoujjh moveable by their nature, are 
considered immoveable by the oj>eralion of law. 

And agam : — 

Slaves shall always be reputed and considered 
real estate ; shall be, as such, subject to be mort- 
i:age(l, accordirig to the niles prescribed by law ; 
and they shall be levied and sold as real estate. 

"(Joods they are," says the civil code, ** and 
L'oods they shall be esteemed." — Taylor's Elements^ 
p. 420. 

" Slaves shall b*_' deemed, sold, taken, and repu- 
ted to be chattels personll in the hands of their 
owni^rs and |)ossessor.s, their execBtors, ndminis- 
trators, and assigns, to all intents, constructions, and 
purposes whatsoever." — Laws of South Carolina, 
Stroud, p. 22—3. "^ 

" This dominion of the master is as unlimited as 



10 AMERICAN SLAVERY. 

that which is tolerated by the laws of any civilize, 
community in relation to brute animals — to ' quad- 
rupeds,' to use the words of the civil law." — 
Stroud, p. 24. 

Hence it appears, that the distinguishing princi- 
ple of American Slavery is this : slaves are not to 
be ranked among rational beings, but they arc to be 
CLAIMED, RELB and TREATED as thim^'S, as articles of 
property, '* to all intents, constructions, and purposes 
whatsoever. ^^ 

Consequently it does not allow to the slave the 
rights of his own reason and conscience. 

It annihilates the family state ; prevents the 
parents from obeying the command of God with 
regard to their children ; it prohibits, or nullifies, 
the marriage rites, and prevents husbands and wives 
from obeying the commands of Clod with regard to 
each other. 

It enjoins, or sanctions, promiscuous inlercourse 
between the sexes, without the rites of marriage. 

It holds all the religious privileges of the slave 
at the mere mercy of his mister, whether that 
master be infidel, papist, or protesumt. 

It prevents the slave from obeying that command 
of God, which makes it the duty of all men to 
"search the Scriptures." 

Its direct tendency is to crush the minds of God's 
intelligent creatures, by forbidding and preventing 
all schools for " mental instruction." 

It withholds the hire of the laborer. 

It sanctions and covers the breach of the 8lh 
commandment. It jus ifies the very same ihmg 
which our laws and the laws of nations punish as 



NO COLOR EXEMPT FROM SLAVERY. 11 

piracy, if committed on the coast of Africa, or on 
he high sras. It originates and justifies \vh?jt the 
'Jihie calls '* manstealing." 

It denies to the slave that protection for his cliar- 
acter, his health and Hfe, which is enjoyed by the 
while man. 

Here it must be observed, tliat what we have 
stated above, forms no pan of what is generally 
called the ** evils of slavery," or, in oilier words, 
the " abuses of the system ;" but the above facts 
make up the very system itself, the very thing which 
we say is a sin against God. 



CHAPTER II. 

NO COLOR EXEMPT FROM SLAVERY LV THE 
IMTED STATES. 

A law of South Carolina reads as follows : — 
'* All negroes, Indians^ (free Indians in amity 
A'ith this govenvnent, and negioi's, mulultoes, and 
mstizos, who are nuw free, excepted.) mijlait<>es, 

• r mestizos, who are now or shall hereafter be in this 

• rovii'ce, and all their issue and offspring born, 
>r to be born^ shall be, and th'*v are herehy dc- 
•liired to \yt' and remain forever hereafter, abso. 
'utr slaves^ and shall follow the condition of the 

wlhirr 

Similar laws are now in 'brcn in Georgia, Missis- 
j'l>!, Virginia, and LouisiuDa. ^ 

11 •: I Will be perceived, slavery has ^*^ Um' " 



12 NUMBER ENSLAVED. 

It lays its bloody hands not only on native Ameri- 
cans of African descent, and their cli)drL'n,/orcrer, 
but on Indians. " Nor is it confined to color," says 
Mr. Paxton, of Virginia. " The best blood in Vir- 
ginia flows in the veins of the slaves." Many who 
are now held in slavery, in this nation, are as white 
as the masters by whom they are oppressed. 



c H A r T E E III. 
NUMBER OF AMERICANS ENSLAVED. 

The increase of the slave population in these 
United States, for the fifty years ending in 1830. 
has been as follows : — 

Census of Slaves. Total population, 

1790 097.097, 3,929,8'27. 

1800 890,8-19, 5.30o,9-J5. 

1810 1,191,304, 7,2n9.314. 

1820 1,533,004, 9,038,1^1. 

1830 2,010,430, 12,856,407. 

Hence, it appears, that, according to the ratio of 
increase between 1820, and 1830, there must liavo 
been in 1835, not less than 2,245,144 slaves in these 
United States.'*' 



* The whites, it is well known, increase the colored populauon, 
but the colored, cannot increase the whites. 



CIVIL CONDITION OF THE ENSLAVED. 13 

C H A P T E n IV. 

CIVIL CONDITION OF THE ENSLAVED. 

1. The masler may determine the kind, and de- 
gr«.c and lin»o of labor, to winch ihc slave sh dl be 
bubjicted. 

2. The master may supply the slave \vi(h such 
food and clothinj! only, both an to quantity and (luul- 
iiy, as he may think proper, or find convenient. 

3. The masler may, at Ids discretion, inflict any 
punisiuiient upon the persofi of his slave. 

4. Slaves have no legal right to any property in 
things real or personal ; but \vhat<.'V«jr diey may 
ac<|uir«', belong?* in point of law to their masters. 

5. The slave, being a personal chattel, is at all 
times liable to be sold absolutely, or mortgaged, or 
leased, at the will of his njaster. 

0. lie may also be sold by process of law, for 
the satisfaction of lh<? debts of a living, or the debts 
and bequests of a deceased masler, at the suit of 
creditors or legatees. 

7. A slave cannot be a party before u judicial 
tribunal, in any species of action, against his mas- 
tcr, no malter how atrocious may have been tlie in- 
lury received from him. 

8. Slaves cannot redeem themselves, nor obtain 
a cliangc of masters, though cruel treatment may 
have rendered such change necessary for their per- 
sonal yafe'y. 

9. .Slaves can make no contracts. 

10. Slavery is hereditarv and perpetual. 

2 



14 MORAL CONDITION OF THE ENSLAVED. 

11. A slave cannot be a witness against a white 
person, either in a civil or criminul cause. 

12. He cannot be a party in a civil suit. 

13. Tlie benefits of education are wjlhlield from 
the slaves. 

14. The means of moral and reli;?ious instruction 
are not granted to the slave ; on the contrary, the 
efforts of the humane and charitable to supply these 
wants, are discountenanced by law. 

15. Submission is required uf the slave, not to 
the will of his master only, but to that of all other 
white persons. 

16. The penal codes of the slaveholding states 
bear much more severely upon slaves than upon 
white persons. 

17. Slaves are prosecuted and tried upon crimi- 
nal accusations, in a manner inconsistent with the 
rights of humanity. — Stroud^s S/dve Laics, 



CHAPTER V. 
MORAL CONDITION OF THE ENSLAVED. 

Testimony of the Synod of South Carolina 
and Georjjia. 

The following ''facts " are stated in a " Report 
of the Synod of South Carolina and Georgia, to 
whom was referred the subject of the Religious In- 
struction of the colored population, at its late ses- 
sion, in Columbia, S. C. Published by order of tho 
Synod," in the Charleston Observer of March 22, 
1834. 



MORAL CONOmON OF THE ENSLAVED. 15 

" From \oug continued and close observation, " 
say the Synod by their commillees, "we believe 
that their (colored populalion's) moral and relii^ious 
condition is such, as that they may justly be consi- 
dered the healhcn of this Christian country, and 
will bear comparison with heathen in any country in 
the irorld. 

"Ik'lbrewe attempt to set forth the duty [to 
cvan<,felize these heathen] it will be proper to show, 
that the negroes arc destitute oj the privileges of the 
gospel, and ever will de. under the present state of 
things. There were some exceptions to this, they 
say, and they * rejoice ' in it ; but although our as. 
scrtion is broad, we believe that, in general, it will 
be found to \)c correct. 

" A people may be said to enjoy the privileges of 
the gospel, when they have, 1st, free access to the 
scriptures ; 2d, a regular gospel ministry ; 3d, 
houses for pubHc worship ; 4th, the means of grace 
in their own dwellings. In relation to the first of 
these — -free access to the scriptures — it is universally 
the fact throughout the slavc-holding states, that 
either custom or law prohibits to them th« acquisi- 
tion of letters, and conscfjuently they can have no 
access to the scri|)tures ; * * * * so that they 
are dependent for their knowledge of Ciirislianity 
upon oral instruction ; as much so as the unlet- 
tered heathen, when first visited by our missiona- 
ries. ♦ ♦ * 

'* Have they then that amount of oral instruction 
which, in their circumstances, is necessary to their 
enjoyment of the gospel ? In other words, have 
tliey a regular and efficient ministry ? They have 



16 MORAL CONDITION OF THE ENSLAVED. 

7iot. In the vast field extending from an entire state 
beyond the Potomac to the Sabine river ; and from 
the Atlantic to the Ohio, there are, to the best of our 
knowledge, not twelve men exclusively devoted to 
the religious instruction of the negroes i ♦ ♦ ♦ 
The number ['two millions of souls, and more '] 
divided between them, would give to each a charge 
of near 170,000 ! ! 

"As to minis'ers of their ozf5rt co/or, they arc des- 
titute infinitely hoth in point of numbers and quali- 
fications. 

" But do not the negroes liave access to the gos- 
pel, through the slated ministry of the wiiifes ? We 
answer. No! The while population iii>elf is but 
partially supplied with ministers ; such being the 
fact, what becomes of ihe colored ? And the (pjea. 
tion may be asked with siill greater empiiasis, when 
we know that it has not been customary for our 
ministers when they accept calls for settlement, to 
consider servants as a regular part of their charge, 
* * * If we take the supply of ministers 
to the whites now in the field, the amount of ilieir 
labors in behalf of the negroes is small." Some- 
thing has been done towards the " religious instruc- 
tion of the negroes : but we venture the assertion, 
that if we take the whole number of ministers in 
the slaveholding states, but a very small pnrliiyji pay 
any attention to them. * * * No eflbrt is made 
to draw them out to church — but let them * come 
to hear the preaching of ministers to white congre- 
gations, and such is the elevation of their language, 
<^c., * * * they might as well preaciim lie- 
brew or Greek. The negroes do not understand 



MORAL CO!<DITlOrf OF THE E.>fSLAVJKD. 17 

them. Hence ihcir stupid looks, Ace, » ♦ ♦ 
and their t/un attendance, ♦ ♦ • fhe whole 
(of the iiegrors), profi ssors and non-professors, are 
low in the scale of intelligence and morality ; and 
we are astonished thus to find Christianity in abso- 
lute corijunciion witli hkathkmsm, and yet confer- 
ring few or no benefits !' They proceed : * The 
negroes have no regular and ellicient ministry ; as 
a iij.itlcr of rours*', no churches, neither is there suf- 
ficirnt room in white churches for their accommoda. 
Hon: 

*• We know OihwXfive churches in the slavehold- 
ing States built expn-sxly for their use. These are 
all in the Slate of (ieorgiu— all under colored pas- 
tors, in connexion with liie Baptist Association, ex- 
cepting one, which has been erected witliin the ycut 
year, by a Presbyterian clergyman, a member of 
this Synod, at his own expense — m\ expense of three 
or four hundred dollars ; and l»e 8Uf)j)lies the pulpit 
liimself gnituitously. 

" The galleries or back seats on the lower floor, 
of white churches, are generally appropriated to 
the negroes, when it can be done with convenience 
to the whites ; otherwise, tlie negroes who attend 
must catch the gospel as it escapes by the doors and 
windows, 

♦' We can furnish no accurate estimate of the pro- 
portion of ncgrots that attend divine worship on the 
iSabbalh, taking the slave-holding states together. 
From an extensive observTition, however, we ven- 
ture to say, that not a twentieth part attend ! Thou- 
sands and thousands hear not the sound of the gas. 
pel, or ever enter a church from one year to another. 
2* 



18 MORAL CONDITIO?? OF THE ENSLAVED. 

« We may now inquire if they enjoy the privi- 
leges of the gospel, in private, in their own houses, 
and on their own plnntations ? Again we return a 
negative answer. They have no bibles to read at 
their own fire-sides — no family altars — and when 
in affliction, sickness or death, they have no minis- 
ter to address to them the consolations of the gospel, 
nor to bury them with solemn and appropriate ser- 
vices. Sometimes a kind master will perform these 
offices. If the master is pious, the house servants 
alone attend family worship, ^v\(\frequenihj few or 
none of these . 

" Here and there a master feels interested for the 
salvation of his servants, and is attempting something 
towards it, &c. We rejoice that there are such, 
and that the number is increasing. In general, we 
may however remark, that it does not enter into the 
arrangement of plantations, to make provision for 
their religious instruction ; and so far as masters 
are engaged in this work, an almost unbroken si- 
lence reigns over the vast f eld. 

" We feel warranted, therefore, in the conclusion, 
that the negroes are destitute of the privileges of the 
gospel, and must continue to be so, if nothing more is 
done for them." 

Testimony of the Rev. C. C. Joues. 

The Pwev. C. C. Jones, in a sermon preached be- 
fore two associations of Planters in Georgia, in 
1831, says : — "Generally speaking, tney (the slaves) 
appear to us to be without God and without hope in 
the world, a nation of heathens in our ver>- midst. 
We cannot cry out against the Papist for withhold- 



MORAL CONDITION OF THE ENSLAVED. 19 

ing the Scriptures from tlu; comniuri people, and 
keepiiif^ them in ignorance of tlie way of life, for we 
WITHHOLD tlie Bible from our servants, and keep 
them in ignorance of it, while we will not use the 
means to Imve it read and explained to them. The 
cry of our perishing servants comes up to us from 
the sultry plains as they hend at ihcir toil — it comes 
up froin'their humble cottages when they return at 
evening to rest their weary limbs — it comes up to 
us from the midst of their ignorance, and supersli- 
.tion, and adultery and lewdness." 

Testimony of the Charleston Observer. 

A writer in a late number of this paper, says ; — 
"*» Let us establish missionaries among our negroes, 
•who, in view of religious knowledge, are as debas- 
ingly ignorant as any one on the coast of Afiica ; 
for'l hazard the assertion, that throughout the 
bounds of our synod, there arc at least one hundred 
MoujantiiAire*, speaking the same language as our- 
selves, who never ukard of the plan of salvation by 
a Redeemer." 

Testimony of the Western Luminary. 

A writer in the Western Luminary, a respecta- 
ble religious paper in Lexington, Kentucky, says, " I 
proclaim it abroad to the Christian world, that hea- 
ihenism is as real in the slave States as it is in the 
South Sea Islands, and that our negroes are as just- 
ly obj(?cts of attention to the American and otiier 
boards of foreign missions, as the Indians of the wes- 
tern wilds. What is it coustituies heathenism ? Is 



20 MORAL CONDITION OF THE ENSLAVED. 

it to be destitute of a knowledge of God — of his holy 
word — never to have heard scarcely a sentence of 
it read through life — to know little or nothing of the 
history, character, instruction, and mission of Jesus 
Christ — to be almost totally devoid of moral knowl- 
edge and feeling, of sentiments, of probity, truth, and 
chastity? If this constitutes heathenism, tlien are 
there thousands, millions of heathens, in our beloved 
land. There is one topic to which I will allude, 
which will serve to establish the heathensim of this 
population. I allude to the universal Uceniiousness 
which prevails. It may be said emphatically that 
chastity is no virtue among them — that its violation 
neither injures female character in their own esti- 
mation, or that of their master or mistress. No in- 
struction is ever given — no censure pronounced. I 
speak not of the world ; I speak of christian fa- 
milies GENERALLY." 

Testimony of J. A. Thome, of Kentucky. 

*' Licentiousness. I shall not speak of the far 
South, whose sons are fast melting away under the 
unblushing projligacy which prevails. I allude to 
the slave-holding West. It is well known that 
the slave lodgings (I refer now to village slaves) 
are expos-ed to the entrance of strangers every hour 
of the night, and that the sleeping apartments of both 
sexes are common. 

It is also a fact that there is no allowed intercourse 
between the families and servants after the work of 
the day is over. The family, assembled for the 
evening, enjoy a conversation elevating and instruc- 
tive. But the poor slaves are thrust out ; no ties of 



MORAL CONDITION OF THE ENSLAVED. 21 

sacred home thrown around them ; no moral instruc- 
tion to compensate foe the toils of the day ; no in- 
tercourse as of man with man ; and should one of 
the younger memhers of the family, led by curiosi- 
ty, steal out inio tiie fil.hy kitciien, the cliild is specdi- 
ly called hack, thinking iiself happy if it escape an 
angry rebuke. Why is this ? The dread of moral 
contamination. Most excellent reason ; but it re- 
veals a horrd picture. The slaves, cut off from all 
communily of feeling with their masters, roam over 
the village streets, shocking the ear with their vulgar 
jestings, and voluptuous sofigs, or opening their 
kitchens to the reception oj the neighboring hhcks, 
they pass the evening in gajiihling, dancing, drink, 
ing, and the most obscene conversation, kept vp un- 
til the night is far spent — then crown the scene with 
indiscriminate debauchery. Where do these things 
occur ? In the kitchens of church members and 
elders:' 

Testimony of the Rev. J. D. Paxton. 

''Some slaves have, indeed, a marriage ceremo- 
ny performed. It is, however, usually done by one 
of their own color, and, of course, is not a legal 
transaction. And if done by a person legally au- 
thorized to pertorm marriages, still it would have 
no authority, because the law does not recognise 
marriage among slaves, so as to clothe it with the 
rights and immunities which it wears among citizens. 
Tiie owner of either party might, the next day or 
hour, break up the connexion in any way he pleas- 
ed. In fact, these connexions have no protection, 
'and are so often broken up by sales and transfers 



22 MORAL CONDITION OF THE ENSLAVED. 

and removals, that they are by the slaves often called 
* taking up together.' The sense of marriage fideli- 
ty must be greatly weakened, if not wholly destroy- 
ed, by such a state of things. The effect is most 
disastrous. 

"But there is another circumstance which de- 
serves our notice. What effect is likely to be pro- 
duced on the morals of the whites, from having about 
them, and under their absolute authority, female 
slaves who are deprived of the strongest motives to 
purity, and exposed to peculiar temptations to oppo- 
site conduct ! The condition of female slaves is such, 
that promises and threatenings and management 
can hardly fail to conquer them. They are entire- 
ly dependent on their master. They have no way 
to make a shilling, to procure any article they need. 
Like all poor people, they are fond of finery, and 
wish to imitate those who are above them. What, 
now, are presents and kind treatment, or the re- 
verse, if they are not complying, likely to effect on 
such persons ? And the fact that their children, 
should they have any through such intercourse, 
may expect better treatment from so near relations, 
may have its influence. That the vice prevails to 
a most shameful extent, is proved from the rapid 
increase of mulattoes. Oh, how many have fallen 
before this temptation ; so many, that it has almost 
ceased to be a shame to fall ! Oh, how many pa- 
rents may trace the impiety and licentiousness and 
shame of their prodigal sons, to the temptations 
found in the female slaves of ^heir own or neighbors' 
households ! Irregular habits are thus formed, which 
often last through life. And many a lovely and ex« 



MORAL CONDITION OF THB ENSLAVED. 23 

cellent woman, confiding in vows of affection and 
fidelity, trusting to her power over her devoted lover, 
has, after uniting her fate with his, and giving him 
all that woman has to give, found, when too late, 
how incorrigible are those habits of roving desire, 
formed in youth, and kept alive by the temptations 
and facilities of the slave system. 

" Now, when we read the repeated declarations 
that • fornicators and adulterers shall not inherit the 
kingdom of God,' and call to mind the teaching of 
Dur Lord, that all intercourse between the sexes, 
ex('ept what takes place between one man and one 
woman in marriage faith, amounts to those crimes ; 
how can we, as believers in Christianity, uphold a 
system which presents this temptation both to the 
bond and free, and vet escape a participation in the 
guilt?" 

Testimony of the Rev. John Rankin. 

The Bev. John Rankin has the following, among 
other statements, on this " delicate subject ": 

"Atrain, slaves, in consequence of the manner 
in which they are raised, are generally prone to vi- 
sious indulgence, and many of them are exceeding. 
ly profligate : their master's children often mingle 
with them, and not only witness their vicious prac- 
tices, but also listen to their lascivious conversation, 
and thus from infancy they become familiar with 
almost every thing wicked and obscene. And this, 
in connexion with easy access, becomes a strong 
temptation to lewdness. Hence it often liappens, 
that the master's children practise the same vices 
ivhich prevail among his slaves ; and even the 



24 MORAL CONDITIOiN OF THE ENSLAVED. 

master himself is liable to be overwhelmed by the 
floods of temptation. And in some instances the 
father and his sons are involved in one common 
ruin ; nor do the daughters always escape this impe- 
tuous fountain of pollution. Were it necessary, I 
could refer you to several instances of slaves actu- 
ally seducing the daughters of their masters! Such 
seductions sometimes happen even in the most re- 
spectable slave holding families !" 

Testimony of S. A. Forral, Es^. 

" Negresses, when young and likely, are often em- 
ployed as wet nurses by white people ; as also, by 
either the planter or his ftiends, to administer to 
their sensual desires. This frequently is a matter 
of speculation ; for if the offspring, a mulatto, be 
a handsome female, 800 or 1000 dollars may be 
obtained for her in the N. Orleans market. It is an 
occurrence of no uncommon nature, to see a Chris- 
tian father sell his own daughter, and the brother 
his own sister, by the same father. 

" During my stay (at New Orleans), Doctor 

came down the river with thirty slaves, among whom 
were an old negro and negress, each between sixty 
and seventy years of age. This unfortunate old 
woman had borne twenty-one children, all of whom 
had been at diflerent times sold in the Orleans mar- 
ket, and carried into other States, and into distant 
parts of Louisiana. The Doctor said, in order to 
induce her to leave home quietly, that he was bring- 
ing her into Louisiana for the purpose of placing her 
with some of her children. ' And now,' said the 
old negress, ' Aldo I suckle my massa at dis breast, 



BIBLE ARGUMENTS ANSWERED. 25 

yet now he sell me to sii^ar planter, after he sell all 
my children from me.' The gentleman was a strict 
Meihodisi, or 'saint,' and is, as I was informed, 
much esteemed by the preachers of that persua- 
sion, because of his liberal contributions to their sup- 
port. 

" Kidnapping free negroes is very common. It 
requires collusion between the seller and the buyer, 
as, in the regular trade, the dealer carries a certifi- 
cate f'-om the public authorities where the slave was 
purchased, and shows it when a purchaser presents 
himself." 



CHAPTER VI. 

BIBLE ARGUMENTS, IN FAVOR OF AMERI- 
CAN SLAVERY, ANSWERED. 

Example of the Jcavs. 

1. The examples of the Jews, it is said, may be 
quoted in favor of American slavery. 

But if so, why not quote the same authority, to 
justily exterminating wars, and poligamy ? Why 
V)ot quote the Jewish example to compel every man 
to marry his brother's widow, in case his brother 
dies without children? Why not quote the same 
authority to prove that every man has a right to kill 
the murderer of his nearest relative, without any ju- 
dicial process? Why not quote Jewish examples 
for putting a disobedient child to death? 

3 



26 BIBLE BARGUMENTS ANSWERED. 

Servants held as property. 

2. Servants among the Jews, it is supposed, are 
spoken of as property, Ex. 21 : 21. For he is his 
money. The meaning is, the servant's labor was 
to the master for the time being, the same as money. 
Servants among the Hebrews were not claimed, held, 
and treated as property, as we shall elsewhere show. 

Christ did not condemn slavery. 

3. Again we are told, that Jesus Christ did not 
condemn slavery, by name. We answer, neither 
did he condemn offensive wars, gambling, lotteries, 
rum-making, and theatres, by name. 

Servants mentioned in the New Testament not 
slaves. 

4. It is supposed, by some, that the words ren- 
dered servant in the New Testament, signify, inva- 
riably, such as were claimed, held, and treated as ab- 
solute property. 

But this is by no means, the fact ! The word 
generally rendered servant, in the New Testament, 
is 5o'jXo?. According to Park hurst, it comes from 
the Hebrew dol, which signifies, weak, powerless, 
poor, exhausted. Hence, the first signification giv- 
en to SouXos by the best Greek Lexicographers, is, 
one in a servile state, a servant. This is the first 
definition affixed to this word, by Parkhurst, Ewing, 
Grove, and Greenfield, Editor ot Bagster's Compre- 
hensive Bible. Donnegan says it means a slave, a 
servant. 

This word occurs in the New Testament, one 
hundred and twenty-one times. It is applied to Christ, 



BIBLE ARGUMENTS ANSWERED. 27 

to Moses, and the Prophets. Phil. 2 : 7. Rev. 10 : 
7. — 15 : 3. In twelve instances it is applied to 
the Apostles ; fourteen times it is applied to Chris- 
tians ; and six times to sinners. And in about seven- 
ty places it is used to designate one in a state of 
secular servitude, a servant. 

That this word was not generally used by the 
Apostles to designate one who was claimed, held 
and treated as property, is farther evident from the 
following considerations. (1.) In the Greek Ian- 
guage this word corresponds with our word ser- 
vant; it does not necessarily signify one who was 
held and treated as property ; but it was used to 
designate one in a servile state, most generally a 
slave, 

(2.) In Athens, however, this word was not used 
to signify a slave properly so called. See Robin- 
son's Antiq. of Greece, p. 30, and Potter's Gr. An. 
vol. 1. page 68, and the number of the Bib. Reposi- 
tory for Jan. 1835. 

From these authorities we will learn, that among 
the Athenians, slaves, or those who were the en- 
tire property of another, were called, oikstui, but of- 
ier their freedom was granted them, they were named 
SovXoi, not being then, like the former, a part of the 
master's estate, though they were held in a kind of 
servitude, being required to render some rude ser- 
vice, such as was required of the [LSroiKai [resident 
strangers] to whom, in some respects, they were 
inferior. 

Now when we consider that the Attic Greek is 
substantially the language in which the New Testa- 
ment was written, it seems quite probable, that its 



28 BIBLE ARGUMENTS ANSWERED. 

writers did not, in using this word, depart from the 
sense above given. 

(3.) This word was used sometimes by St. Paul, 
to designate a kind of servitude which he himself 
condemned, 1 Cor. 7: 21, 23, Philemon, 16. 

(4.) The other word, rendered servant, in the 
New I'estament is omz-r^g, from omog, a house ; a do. 
mestic, a servant^ a house servant or slave. This 
word occurs but four times in the New Testament. 
Acts, 10: 7. Rom. 14: 4. 1 Pet. 2: 18, and 
Luke, 16 : 13. 

In the last passage here given, the reader will see 
at once, that it could not have been used to signify 
one who was the eniire property of another. 

But, admitting that this word is used in one place 
(1 Pet. ii. 18.) to signify those servants who were 
held as slaves, it by no means follows from this fact, 
that the Apostle meant by using it, to justify the 
claim of the slaveholder in that case. He directs 
those servants or slaves, how to suffer the ivjuries 
which might be inflicted upon them, but he does not 
direct the slaveholder how to inflict them. When 
he addresses masters, he commands them to render 
unto their servants that which is just and equal, 
and which command is a direct condemnation of 
slavery. 

Were the masters mentioned in the New 
Testament fclareholders ? 

5. But we are told again, that the words used by 
the Apostle, in speaking of masters, necessarily 
imply such as held slaves. 

1. The word xvmi lord or master, is used in the 



BIBLE ARGUMENTS ANSWERED. 29 

Bible as a title of authority or respect, but never to 
signify the owner of human beings. Gen. xviii. 12 : 
1 Cor. viii. 5 : Acts xvi. 30. 

2. The classical meaning o{8sif<n'orrig, is adespot, 
a sovereign, a master of slaves. But in the New 
Testament it does not invariably bear this signifi- 
cation. 

It occurs in ten different passages ; in six of 
them it is applied to Jesus Christ, or God. Luke ii. 
29 : Acts iv. 24 : 2 Tun. ii. 21 : (compare verse 
19, and Heb. iii. 6.) 2 Pet. ii. 1 : Jude 4 : Rev. 
vi. 10. 

In four places it is used to signify earthly rulers 
or masters. 1 Tim. vi. 1,2: Titus ii. 9 : 1 Pet. 
ii. 18. 

This word is sometimes used to signify the head 
or ruler of a family, as the reader will see by turn- 
ing to the following places : — Matt. x. 25, and xxiv. 
43 : Markxiv. 14 : Luke xii. 39: xiii. 25 : xxii. 11. 

Servants under the yoke. 

But in 1 Tim. vi. 1, 2, it has been supposed to 
signify such as held servants as their absolute pro- 
perty. 

" Let as many servants as are under the yoke, 
count their own masters worthy of all honor, that 
the name of God and his doctrine be not blas- 
phemed. 

" And they that have believing masters, let them 
not despise them because they are brethren, but 
rather do them service, because they are faithful and 
beloved partakers of the benefit." 

That there are two kinds of servants spoken of 
8* 



30 BIBLE ARGUMENTS ANSWERED. 

in the verses above quoted, we think is evident from 
a number of considerations : — 

1. Tiie pecuhar phraseology of the passages 
determines this fact. Those servants who were 
claimed and treated as property, or absolute slaves, 
are said to be " under the yoive ;" those who 
were not claimed and held in this state, had "believ- 
ing masters. " 

" Let as many servants as are under the yoke.y 
count their own masters worthy of all honor, that the 
name of God and his doctrine be not blasphenied. 

" But they that have believing masters, let them 
not despise them, because they are brethren ; — 
but rather do them service, because they are faith- 
ful partakers of the benefit." 

That OS, m this second verse, is an adversative 
conjunction, and should be rendered but, is well 
known, as this is not the word which is generally 
translated and, in the New Testament. This is a 
matter of fact, which no person at all acquainted 
with the original language of the New Testament 
will dispute. Hence w^e say, that the manner of 
the apostle's speaking here proves that two kinds of 
servants are meant ; first, he refers to such as were 
claimed and held by their heathen masters as their 
absolute property, and tells them what he wishes 
them to do, and the reason why they should do it ; 
and then he speaks of another class, by saying — 
" But ihoss who have believing masters," and who, 
consequently were not claimed, held, and treated 
as property, and who are thus put in opposition to 
such as were "under the yoke." 

2. Look at the different motives by which these 



BIBLE ARGUMENTS ANSWERED. 31 

two Classes of servants are exhorted to perform 
certain duties. Those " under the yoke" are ex- 
horted to obedience, upon the consideration that 
their disobedience would bring a dhhonor upon re- 
ligion. Not so with those who had "' beheving mas- 
ters ;" these were exhorted not to forsake their 
masters, because they were brethren, and which ex- 
hortation is plainly based upon the supposition, that 
they might forsake them if they chose. But to 
interpret the second verse as referring to one and 
the same kind of servants, and t^lso to one and the 
same kind of masters as those mentioned in the 
first verse, so far as the act of slaveholding was con- 
cerned, at once destroys tlie evident distinction 
made here by the apostle. This is so plain, that 
we see not how any one can deny it. 

3. But suppose the apostle, instead of saying 
"believing despotes," had said converted idolater, or 
converted Jew, should we understand him as mean- 
ing by these terms, a real, practical idolater, or real 
practical Jew ? Not at all ; no more than when a 
man speaks of a converted iiifidel — we are to 
understand him as meaning to designate one who 
had never embraced the Christian religion. And 
thus one might speak of a converted slaveholder, 
usiug the term slaveholder, not to describe his pre- 
sent relation, but to designate his former character ; 
and precisely m this sense we believe the apostle 
used the term " despotes" in 1 Tim. vi. 2. 

Specific Directions of the New Testament. 

Another argument drawn from the New Testa- 
ment, is generally stated thus : The apostles, by 
their specific directions to masters and servants, did, 



S3 BIBLE ARGUMENTS ANSWERED. 

de facto, justify the relation which existed between 
the slaveholder and his slave. To this we an- 
swer : 

(1.) This argument takes for granted, what has 
never been proved, viz, that all the servants and 
masters mentioned in the New Testament, were 
slaves and slaveholders. 

(2.) But, admitting that the apostles did mean to 
justify the " relation''' which existed between master 
and slave, when that "relation" gave the mas- 
ter the body of the slaves as his absolute property, 
then it follows as an undeniable consequence that 
the holy apostles did mean to justify all the " rights" 
to which this "relation''^ entitled the master. If 
they justified such a " relation," they justified and 
approved all the parts of which it was composed. — 
And hence it would follow that the apostles justified, 
approved, and sanctioned a relation which author- 
ized every master to commit theft, adultery and 
murder. Those Romans who held slaves in that 
relation, had a right in virtue of it, not only " to 
box" them or "tocuflr"them "on the ear," but 
they were authorized and empowered by this rela- 
tion to torture them, to maim them, and to put them 
to death in any way they chose, and according to 
Dr. Taylor's " Elements of Civil law," those slaves 
could not he injured in any way. And a relation 
which authorized and justified such cruelties, such 
horrible, and we may add, diabolical injustice as all 
this, many professing Christians and Ministers of 
the Gospel pretend to believe is " authorized,'* 
"permitted," and " sanctioned by tlie Bible ! ! !" 



JEWISH SERVITUDE. 33 



CHAPTER VII. 



JEWISH SERVITUDE UNLIKE AMERICAN 
SLAVERY. 

Peculiarities of the Jewish Economy. 

1. A Hebrew was permitted to kill a man who had 
murdered his friend, (Num. xxxv. 19 ;) and he 
might do this without the process of trial. And 
upon the same ground, the Jews were permitted to 
commence and carry on exterminating wars, against 
the idolatrous nations around them. Hence, we 
suppose, that it is as really wrong for any man in this 
age of the world, to take away the liberty of his 
innocent neighbor, or to withhold it from him in any 
way, without an express permission from God, as 
it would be for one to kill the murderer of his friend 
now, without the forms of law. 

No hereditary slavery among the Jews. 

2. Two-thirds of the servants in Israel were 
free at the end of six years ; and the fiftieth year 
all were set free. There was no such thing as 
hereditary servitude among the Jews. Lev. xxv. 
10; Deut. xv. 12. 

But American slavery is perpetual, to the very 
last moment of the slave's earthly existence, and 
by law it is entailed upon all of his descendants, to 
the latest posterity. 

Jewish servitude was voluntary. 

3. Jewish servitude was voluntary, ^ except in 



S4 JEWISH SERVITUDR 

those cases where it was the penalty annexed to 
crime. Tiicy sold themselves, i. e. l heir service, 
for an equivalent, so they were not slaves ; as an 
equivalent — to a state of slavery — is impossible. — 
Lev. XXV. 47 ; Neh. v. 8 ; Deut. xxviii. 68 ; [Ex- 
pose yourselves for sale,] 1 Kings xxi. 20, 25; 2 
Kings xvii. 17 ; Isa. 1. 1 ; Rom. vii, 14 ; Jer. xxxiv. 
14, margin, sold himself. 

But American slavery is involuntary. No one 
who is now a slave in this land, was ever consulted, 
before his liberty was taken away, whether he 
would be a slave or not, and if he had been, he 
could not have given his master a jast and proper 
title to his body as his property. 

Jewish servants could contend with their masters. 

4. Under the Mosaic economy, servants might 
contend with their masters about their rights ; and 
to depise the cause of which was considered a hein- 
ous crime. Job xxxi. 13, 

But here, in this land of Christians, slaves can 
make no contract of any kind, they can<>have no 
legal right to any property ; all they have and are, 
belong to their masters. 

Jewish servants made free when cruelly treated. 

5. The laws of JVIoses granted freedom to a 
servant who had been cruelly treated. Exodus 
xxi. 26 27. 

But our Christian laws allow the master to punish 
his slave as much as he desires, and afford the slave 
no redress ; nay, if the slave makes any resistance, 
the laws expressly justifies the master in putting 



UNLIKE AMERICAN SLAVKRT. 85 

him to death. In Kentucky, " any negro, mulatto, 
or Indian, bond or free," who " shall at any time'* 
even " lift his hand in opposition to any white 
person, shall receive thirty lashes on his or her 
bare back, well laid on, by order of the Justice." 

Servitude among the Jewg did not jeopardize 
the lives of servants. 

6. The master who killed a servant with a rod, 
or by blows, suffered tha penalty of death, as other 
murderers. Lev- xxiv. 17, 21 ; Num. xxxv. 30. 
So that their lives were as safe and as valuable in 
the eye of the law, as their master's. 

In these United States, many a slave has been 
killed by the treatment he has received from the 
hand of his master, overseer, or driver ; and no 
instance has been known of a white man's being 
put to death for such murder. 

Domestic relations. 

7 Servants were carefully protected among the 
Jews, in their domestic relations ; so that parents 
and their children must not be separated. And in 
case the mother did not get her freedom as soon as 
her husband, the children remained with her ; and 
her master was bound to receive him to service again, 

in case he chose to live with his wife and children. 

Ex. xxi. 7, 11. They were entitled to an adequate 
subsistence Deut. xxv. 4 ; 1 Tim. v. 18 ; 1 Cor. 
ix. 9, and treated with humanity. Lev. xxv. 
39, 53. 

But here, slaves are entirely unprotected in their 
social and domestic relations ; husbands and wives, 



36 JEWISH SERVITUDE 

parents and their children may be, and they are 
separated and parted forever, at the irresponsible 
will of the master. 

It is true that a law in one of the States provides, 
that " Every owner shall be held to give his slaves 
one barrel of Indipn Corn, or the equivaleiit thereof 
in rice, beans or other grain, and a pint of suit ; and 
to deliver tlie same in kind every month, under the 
penalty of a fine of ten dollars for every oflence." 
But this law may be as it is, easily evaded, on the 
ground that the slave cannot be a party in a civil 
suit, or a colored person a witness against a white 
person. 

A law of North Carolina provides that each slave 
shall receive at least ''one quart of corn per day ;" 
and if any one wtio does not receive this amount 
be convicted ofsttahng corn, cattle, &c., from any 
person not the owner of such slave, such iijured 
person may maintain an action of trespass against 
the master, and shall recover his or her damages. 
Another law provides, that "the slave shall be en- 
titled to receive from his owner one linen shirt and 
pantaloons ior the summer, and a linen >hirt and 
woollen great coat and pantaloons for the v;inter." 

Instruction aud consolation. 

8. The laws of Moses secured to servants the 
necessary means of instruction and consolation. — 
Deut. xxxi. 9, 13 ; xxix. 10, 13. 

But no such laws exist in this land ; here the 
operation of the laws tend directly to deprive the 
slaves of all " mental" and religious " instruction," 



tjNLIKE AMERICAN SLAVERY. St 

for their whole power is exerted to keep their slaves 
in the lowest kind of ignorance. 

Laws for the protection of strangers. 

9. The laws of Moses required every one td 
pity and love the strangers who might chance to 
come among the Jews, and under severe penalties 
they were forbidden to vex or oppress them in any 
way. Ex. xxiii. 6, 9 ; xxi. 20 ; xii. 48, 50 ; Lev. 
xix. 33, 34 ; xxv. 35, 36 ; Num. xv. 15, 16, 29 ; 
Deut. i. 16, 17 ; x. 18, 19 ; Exodus xxii. 21 ; 
xxiii. 9. 

Here the laws view every colored stranger as an 
enemy, and they consider him a slave until he 
proves his freedom. 

Fagitive servants. 

10. If a servant escaped from his master and 
fled to the land of Israel, the law of Moses com- 
manded every one to protect him ; and forbade any 
one to deliver such to his master again. Deut,- 
xxiii. 15. 

But here, if a slave esbape from his master, and 
flee to any part of the United States, the law forbids 
any one to protect him, and commands that he be' 
delivered up to his master. 

Husbands aind wives* 

11. If a Jewish servant had taken a wife of his 
master, and wished still to live with him, he had the 
privilege. Ex. xxi. 5, 6 ; Deut. xv. 18.- 

But it is not thus with American slaves ; among 
them, husbands and wives are parted at the irre^ 
4 



38 JEWISH SERVITUDE 

ponsible will of the slaveholder. In point of law, 
an American slave cannot be niarried at all. 

Time lor rest allowed Jewish servants. 

12 Those servants among the Jews who had'served 
fifty years had at least seventeen years rest in Sab- 
baths, feasts, &c. Ex. xx. 10; Deut. v. 14; xii. 17, 
18 ; xvi. 11 ; Matt. xxv. 21,23. 

But nothing of this kind has ever been known 
among the Americans held in bondage by the 
Christians of this nation. 

When they were set free, compensation was 
allowed them and not to their masters. 

13. When Jewish servants went out free, they 
were to be liberally furnished with means to begin 
hfe with. Ex. xxi. 2, 4; Lev. xxv. 17; Dut. xv. 13, 14, 

But in this land if any poor slave goes iree at all, 
by the consent of his master, he goes free with 
nothing but his poor worn-out body, and his master 
demands a price for his liberation ! 

Jewish servants held property. 

14. They had the fruits of the rest years ^ and 
gleanings of harvests. Lev. xix. 9, 10 ; xxv. 6 ; 
Ex. xxiii. 11 ; 1 Sam. ix. 8 ; Matt, xviii. 25. 

But here a slave can possess nothing but what is 
made by law to belong to his master. 

They were endowed with authority. 

15. Ehgible to offices. 1 Chron. xv. 18 ; xvi, 
5, 38 ; xxvi. 12, 14 ; Matt. xxv. 21 ; 2 Sam, ix. 9, 
10 ', Neh, V. 15. 



UNLIKE AMERICAN SLAVERY. 39 

Not SO in this nation. Here a slave cannot be a 
witness in u case where a white man is concerned. 
And in tlie city of New-York a free colored Amer- 
ican, in the year 1836, could not obtain a license 
even to drive a cart. And in many parts of the 
country, colored Americans are not admitted to the 
elective franchise. 

Jewish servants could not be made articles of 
traffic. 

16. They could not be sold. Ex. xxi. 7, 8. 
But here thousands of slaves are sold annually, 

from one State to another, and many of them by 
members and ministers of the same church to which 
the slaves themselves belong. 

They were marriageable in the 'families of their 
masters. 

17. Jewish masters were obligated to provide 
for the marriage of maid servants, if he did not take 
them to himself, or his sons. Ex. xxi. 8. 

But American slaveholders allow no legal mar- 
riages for their slaves, but they rather provide for 
their living in concubinage and adultery. 

They were on a level Avith the children under age. 

18. They could be incorporated into the family. 
Ex. xxi. 8, 9, by circumcision. Ex. xii. 43, 
45 ; Lev. xxii. 10, 11 ; 1 Chron. ii. 34, 35, conso- 
quently could be heirs. Gen. xv. 3 ; Prov. xvii. 2 ; 
Mark xii. 7 ; Luke xx. 14. 

But American slaves have no such privileges ; — 



40 SCRIPTURE ARGUMENT 

they are on a level with brutes, so far as rights are 
concerned — they can make no bargains of any 
kind. 

No impediments in the way to prevent the freedom 
of Jewish servants. 

19. They could be redeemed, or redeem them- 
selves, at any time. Lev. xxv. 48. 

American slaves have no such power. Here, 
laws have been enacted to prevent emancipation 
even when the slaveholder is willing to confer it. 

Thus we see, that the evils which are always 
more or less, attendant upon American slavery 
were not consequent upon the servitude allowed 
among the Jews, such as slave prisons, slave mar 
kets, slave 'auctions, chains, iron yokes, shackles 
whips, thumbscrews, &;c. &c. Among the Jews 
there was no violent separation of parents and chil 
dren, no parting of husbands and wives, no barba 
rous punishments, or any one thing in fact, which 
. rendered Jewish servitude like American slavery. 



CHAPTER VIII. 

SCRIPTURE ARGUMENT AGAINST SLAVERY. 

Slaveholding is Theft. 

1. To claim, hold, and treat a human being as 
property, is felony against God and man. Ex. xx. 
'J,5 ; Deut. xxiv. 7. If it be theft to reduce a mar} 



AGAINST SLAVERY. 41 

to slaveiy, it must be equally so to keep him in this 
state. 

About sixty thousand human beings are feloni- 
ously reduced to slavery in this country every year. 
As soon as they are born, they are claimed, seized, 
held, and treated as property. 

Coveteousness. 

2. All slaveholding and slave dealing is cove- 
teousness, and as such, it is forbidden. Ex. xx. 17; 
Isa. Ivii. 17 ; Jer, li. 13; Ezek. xxxii-. 31 ; Luke 
xii. 15; Col. iii. 5; 2 Pet. ii. 3. 

The man who claims the body of his fellow man 
as his property, does, de facto, covet that which, in 
the very nature of things, must belong to his neigh- 
bor, and to which no circumstances can give him 
a just title. 

Oppression. 

3. Slavery is the very worst form of opjjression. 
Oppression is the spoiling or taking of another's per- 
son or goods or the fruit of his labor, by constraint, 
violence or force ; and this crime is committed 
when ever one human being offers any violence to 
the person, estate, or conscience of another. Prov. 
xiv. 31 ; xxviii. 3 ; Isa. xlix. 26 ; Jer. vii. 6 ; xxi. 
12, 13; Hos. xii. 7 ; Amos iv. 1 ; Mic. ii. 2 ; — 
Zach. vii. 10 ; Mai. iii. 5 ; Eccl. iv. 1 ; Ezek. xxii. 
29 ; Amos iii. 9. 

Manstealing. 

4. Slavery is mansteahng, and as such is for- 
bidden, under the severest penalties. Ex. xxi. 16 ; 
Deut. xxiv. 7. 

4* 



4-2 SCRIPTURE ARGUMENT, 

How has the present slaveholder come into the 
possessson of the children whom he now holds as 
his slaves ? They were never willed to him, nor 
did he purchase them of another. How could he 
take possession of them, and part them from their 
parents without steahng them ? 
Enslavers, 

5. The law of God was made for enslavers, 1 
Tim. i. 10. The vvord here rendered menstealers, 
signifies to enslave, to reduce to slavery, to treat 
jnen as cattle. 

Fraud and robbery. 

6. Slavery is legalized wholesale fraud and 
rohhery, Ezek. xviii. 4 ; Mai. iii. 8, 9. Prov. xxi. 
7; Isa. Ixi. 8 ; Ezek. xxii. 29; Amos iii. 10; Nah. 
iii. 1 ; Mark x, 19 ; 1 Thes. iv. 6 ; Jer. xxii. 3 ; 
James v. 4. 

Traffic in the persons of Men forbidden. 

7. American slavery is condemned in all those 
places which forbid trading in the persons of men. 
Ezek. xxvii. 18 ; Joel iii. 3, 6 ; Amos ii. 6 ; Zach. 
xi. 4, 5; Rev. xviii. 13. 

It could not exist without the slave trade. 

Christian kindness. 

8. The exercise of that kindness and piety 
which are commanded in the Bible toward the poor, 
is utterly irreconcilable with slavery. Lev. xxv. 
.36 ; Job vi. 14 ; xxxi. 16 ; Psal. xli. 1 ,• Ixxxii. 3 ; 
Prov. xxii. 22 ; xxiv. 11 ; xxxi. 8 ; Isa. i. 16 ; and 



AGAINST SLAVERY. 43 

Iviii. throughout ; Jer. xxxiv. 10 ; Matt. xxv. 44 ; 
Heb. xiii. 3 ; 1 John iii. l7. 

Duties of masters. 

9. American slavery is condemned in the speci- 
fic directions of the Apostle, to masters and servants. 
1 Cor. vii. 21, 23; Eph. vi. 9; Col. iv, 1. 

These precepts, if obeyed, would annihilate 
slavery at once, and forever. 

Analogy of the gospel. 

10. It is condemned in all those passages v^hich 
represent the evils of sin by slavery, and gospel 
benefits by freedom. Gal. iv. 3, 7, 2?, 31; v. 1, 
13 ; Isa. Ixi. 1, 3 ; John viii. 32, 36. 

The golden nile. 

11. By the reciprocal and universal law of love 
which is binding on n}\ men. Matt. v. 7 ; vii. 12 ; 
xxii. 37; John XV. 12, 17; Rom. xii. 9; 1 Cor. 
xiii. 28. 

Spirit of the gospel. 

12. Slavery cannot be reconciled with the spirit 
and design of the gospel. It will not exist surely 
in the millennial state. Gen. iii. 15, 22, 18 ; Luke 
iv. 18 ; 1 Cor. iii. 17 ; Zeph. iii. 9 ; Matt. iii. 10. 

If it is condemned by the spirit of the gospel, the 
precepts of the gospel must be against it, of course, 
because the spirit of the gospel is learned from its 
precepts. 



44 SENTIMENTS FAVORABLE TO THE 

Conditions of salvation. 

13. To claim, hold and treat a human being as 
property, is utterly at variance with the conditions 
upon which man is authorized to expect forgiveness 
and salvation from God. Matt. v. 23. Therefore, 
if thou bring thy gift to the altar, and there remem- 
berest that thy brother hath aught against thee, 
leave there thy gift before the altar, and go thy way; 
first be reconcilled with thy brother, and then come 
and offer thy gift. 



CHAPTER IX. 

SENTIMENTS FAVORABLE TO THE PERPE- 
TUITY OF AMERICAN SLAVERY. 
Goveruor 3IcUuffie. 

" Domestic slavery, therefore, instead of being a 
•political evil, is the corner stone of our republican 
edifice. No patriot who justly estimates our privi- 
leges, will tolerate the idea of emancipation, at any 
period, however remote, or on any conditions of 
pecuniary advantage, however favorable. I would 
as soon think of opening a negotiation for selling 
the liberty of the state at once, as for making any 
stipulation for the ultimate emancipation of our 
slaves. So deep is my conviction on this subject, 
that if I were doomed to die immediately after 
recording these sentiments, I could say in all 
sincerity, and under all the sanction of Christi- 
anity and patriotism, God forbid that my 

DESCENDANTS, IN THE REMOTEST GENERATIONS, 



PERPETUITY OF AMERICAN SLAVERY. 45 

SHOULD LIVE IN ANY OTHER THAN A COMMUNITY 

HAVING THE INSTITUTION OF DOMESTIC 
SLAVERY." 

Testimony from Charleston, S. C. 

" One of the most imposing assemblages of 
citizens in respect of numbers, intelligence and 
respectability, that we have ever witnessed, met 
yesterday morning at the City Hall, to receive the 
report of twenty-one, appointed by the meeting on 
the 4th instan/, on the incendiary machinations now 
in progress against the peace and welfare of the 
southern states. The clergy of all denominations 
attended in a body, lending their sanction to the 
.proceedings, and adding hy their presence, to the 
impressive character of the scene /" 

[After the most violent threats against the discus- 
sion of the subject of slavery, the meeting closed 
with the following resolution :] 

" On motion of Captain Lynch, 

^'Resolved, That the thanks of this meeting are due 
to the reverend gentlemen of the Clergy in this 
city, who have so promptly, and so effectually 
responded to public sentiment, by suspending their 
schools in which the free colored population were 
taught ; and that this meeting deem it a patriotic 
action, worthy of all praise, and proper to be imitated 
by other teachers of similar schools throughout the 
state ! ! !" — Charleston Cour. 

Testimony from Camden, S. C. 

The following resolu';ion was passed at a meeting 
pf the citizens of Camden, S. C, in 1834 : 



46 SENTIMENTS FAVORABLE TO THE 

" Resolved, That slavery, as it exists with us, we 
deny to be an evil, and that we regard those who are 
now making war upon it, in any shape, or under 
any pretext, as furious fanatics or knaves and hypo- 
crites ; and we hereby promise them, upon all 
occasion which may put them in our power, tlie fate 
of the pirate, the incendiary, and the midnight assas- 
sin r 

Testimony from Lancasterville, S. C. 

The following documents are taken from the 
Southern Christian Herald : 

" At a public meeting, held in Lancasterville, for 
the purpose of taking into consideration the proceed- 
ings of the Abolitionists of the North, several reso- 
lutions were passed, and by request, the meeting 
was addressed by the Rev. J. H. Thornwell, and 
the Rev. William Carlise. The Rev. Mr. Postell's 
sentiments, contained in a letter, were read at the 
meeting. The purport of the resolutions was as 
follows : 

1. That Slavery, as it exists in the South, is no 
evil, and is consistent with the principles of revealed 
religion ; that all opposition to it arises from a mis- 
guided and fiendish fanaticism, which we are bound 
to resist in the very threshhold. 

2. That all interference with this subject by 
fanatics, is a violation of all our civil and social 
rights — is unchristian and inhuman, leading neces- 
sarily to anarchy and bloodshed ; and that the 
instigators are murderers and assassins. 

The resolutions are lengthy. We have attempt- 
ed to give only a synopsis of them. To this, we 



PERPETUITY OF AMERICAN SLAVERY. 4t 

subjoin the opinions of the Rev. Mr. Thorn well, and 
the Rev, Mr. Posteil ; the former belonging to 
the Presbyterian, and the latter to the Methodist 
Church." 

Rev. J. H. Thornwell's testimony. 

" I cannot regard slavery as a moral evil for the 
following reasons : 

1. It was distinctly recognized by Moses. There 
were several ways in which men, among the Jews, 
were reduced to a state of involuntary servitude. — 
1st. Captivity in war. Deut. 1. 14, 21, 10, 11. 2d. 
Debt. 2 Kings iv. 1 ; Isa. 1. 1 ; Matt, xviii. 25.— 
3d. Theft. Ex. xxii. 2, 3 ; Neh. v. 4, 5. 4th. 
Birth. Gen. xiv. 14, 15, 3 ; Pis. Ixxxvi. 16. The 
phrases ' those born in one's house, the children of 
maid-servants, the children of the house,' apply to 
those who inherited slavery from their parents. 
5th. Purchase. Num. xxxi. 4, 13, 18, 35. Now 
if slavery were a crime, in itself, how could a legis- 
lator, acting under divine tuition and authority, have 
recognized its existence ? The principles of moral 
rectitude are unchangeable ; and it is quite conceiv- 
able that a Being of infinite holiness, should tolerate 
or sanction, by his own positive enactments, a state 
of society directly at variance with his own nature. 
What was right three thousand years ago, must be 
right now. Expediency and convenience may 
change with the changing hue of the times, but the 
eternal principles of right must always remain fixed 
and immutable. 

2. It is not inconsistent with the precepts of 



48 SENTIMENTS FAVORABLE TO THE 

Christianity. 1 Cor. vii. 20, 21. The word trans, 
lated servant means a slave. 1 Tina. vi. 1." 

[This is a great mistake. See page 29 and 30.] 
" As I cannot believe that slavery is wrong in 
itself, I am decidedly opposed to the measures of the 
abolitionists. Revolutions are always dangerous. — 
Long established institutions cannot be destroyed 
without countless hazards, and where there are no 
immediate motives of duty that urge to innovation, 
innovation ought always to be avoided." 

Testimony of the Rev. J. C. Postell, and Rev. 
W. Carlisle. 

"Lancaster, Sept. 1st. 1835. 

To the Chairman and Members of the Conven- 
tion to embody and Send abroad resolutions expres- 
sive of our feelings against the Abolitionists : 

Gentlemen, I have been requested to express my 
opinions on this subject, to aid your efforts. I 
regret not being able to attend, and in person 
express my opinions on this subject. Being a slave- 
holder myself; I feel an interest in the question, 
believing the factionists are influenced more froml 
self-interested motives than humanity to the class 
they pretend to relieve. Nor can the friends of 
their country, of the Church of God, be more dis- 
tinguished than associated in the ranks of invincible 
opposers to Arthur Tappan and his degraded prose- 
lytes. I therefore sum up my views, arid briefly 
give them on the question, as follows : 

1. I view slavery as a judicial visitation, as the 
Scriptures give an ample and most satisfactory 



PERPETUITT OF AMERICAN SLAVERY. 49 

evidence ; therefore, it is as practicable to legislate 
for the restoration of the Jews, as emancipation of 
slaves. 

2. It is a pointed violation of the federal com- 
pact, and the dissolution of this, breaks the chain of 
the Union. 

3. It is a domestic question ; therefore, it is sL 
monopoly of right, and an usurpation and stretch 
of power to legislate for this class, any more than 
a man's wife or children. 

4. No clergy or church should be tolerated in 
violating the peace of families, and infringing on th6 
regularly constituted authorities of our state, in this 
matter. The law of the State should be the law of 
the Church. 

Hastily, but respectfully submitted, by request. 

J. C. POSTELL." 

"I beg leave to subscribe my name to the above, 
William Carlisle. 

Testimony of the Charleston Courier. 

" We protest against the assumption — the unwar- 
rantable assumption — that slavery is ultimately to 
be extir{)ated from the southern states. Ultimate 
abolitionists are enemies of the South, the same in 
kind, and only less in degree, than immediate abo- 
litionists." 

Testimony of the Columbia, S. C. Telescope. 

" Let us declare, through the public journals of 
our country, that the question of Slavery is not, and 



50 -SENTIMENTS FAVORABLE TO THfi 

shall not be open to discussion — that the system is 
deep rooted among us, and must remain forever : 
that the very moment any private individual attempts 
to lecture us upon its evils and immorality, and the 
necessity of putting means in operation to secure 
us from them, in the same momenl his tongue shall 
he cut out and cast upon a dunghill." 

Testimony of the Washington Telegraph, 

" As a man, a Christian, and a citizen, we believe 
that slavery is right ; that ihe condition of the slave, 
as it now exists in slaveholding states, is the best 
existing organization of civil society." 

Testimony of the Charleston Courier, 

** We beg him, however, [Mr. Fletcher, one of 
the speakers at Fancuil Hall] and all who like him, 
acknowledge their afFectionaie interest in their polit-* 
ical obligations to the South, to disabuse themselves 
of the notion that the South regards slavery as an 
evil, or even dreams of its removal. Our institu- 
tions are likely to endure for ages, if not to be 
perpetual ; and while they do endure, and are 
endured by us, we cannot recognize the moral or 
social, to say nothing of the political propriety, of 
denouncing them as evil. Our right in the subject- 
matter is perfect and exclusive, and not a tongue 
should wag, or breath be stirred, against its 
exercise." 

Testimony of the Augusta, Geo. Chronicle. 

" He [Amos Dresser] should have been hung up 
as high as Haman to rot upon the gibbet, until the 



PERPETUITY OF AMERICAN SLAVERY. 51 

wind whistled through his bones. The cry of the 
whole South should be, death INSTANT DEATH 
to the abolitionist, wherever he is caught. North- 
ern Abolitionists are a class of desperate fanatics, 
who, to accomplish their unhallowed ends, are ready- 
to sacrifice our lives, and those of our wives and 
children. Keep their publications from among 
us, and HANG every emissary that dare step a 
lawless foot upon our soil — cut off all tmde with 
every northern house connected with them, &c." 

Further testimony from the Rev. J. C. Postell. 

The following is from an Address of the Rev. J. 
C. Postell, delivered at a public meeting, held at 
Orangeburgh Court-house, S. C, on the 21st of 
July, 1836. 

" I have not time, at present, nor do I wish to 
trespass upon your patience, in a lengthy address on 
this subject ; but to comply with your request, 
involves my duty as your minister, and the servant 
of the Church, and from what has been premised, 
the following conclusions result : 

1st. That slavery is a judicial visitation. 

2d. That it is not a moral evil. 

3d. That it is supported by the Bible. 

4th. It existed in all ages." 

The reverend orator then takes up the above 
points, and argues them at some length, but we have 
not room to follow him. On the second propoiition, 
lie says : 



62 SENTIMENTS FAVORABLE TO THE 

" It is not a moral evil. The fact that slaveiy is 
of Divine appointment, would be proof enough with 
the Christian, that it could not be a moral evil. But 
when we view the hordes of savages, marauders and 
human cannibals enslaved to lust and passion, and 
abandoned to idolatry and ignorance, to revolution- 
ize them from such a state, and enslave them where 
they may have the Gospel, and the privileges of 
Christiana, so far from being a moral evil, it is a 
MERCIFUL VISITATION. Tlicrc Can be no moral 
evil in ameliorating the condition of our fellow men. 
But in some instances slavery has been oppressive, 
and truly distressing. The situation of the Israelites 
under Egyptian bondage, was an afflictive disjien- 
sation of God's Providence. But will the abolition- 
ists contend it was a moral evil, or will they say it 
was the chastisement of God for their disobedience, 
when God saw proper to remove it, he did so ? And 
so he will throughout — and all other efforts will 
prove abortive. If slavery was either the invention 
of man or a moral evil, it is logical to conclude, the 
power to create has the power to destroy. Why, 
then, has it existed ? And why does it now exist t 
amidst all the power of legislation in state and 
church, and the clamor of abolitionists. ' It is the 
Lord's doings, and marvellous in our eyes.' 
And had it not been done for the best, God alone 
who is able, long since would have overruled it. It 
IS BY DIVINE APPOINTMENT, and in the decalogue, 
the Almighty Jehovah says, 'I am tlie Almighty 
God, who brought you out of the land of Egypt, out 
pf the house of bondage,' therefore, ' Thou shall 



PERPETUITY OF AMERICAN SLAVERY. 53 

have no other gods before me, thou shalt not bow 
down nor worship them.' You are not to subscribe 
to their opinions, nor reverence their doctrines, for 
I alone can dehver, and not man ; therefore, look 
to me and trust not in an arm of flesh." 

And, accordingly, the practice of southern Chris- 
tians and ministers of the Gospel, correspond with 
the foregoing sentiments. 

Testimony of the Rev. James Smylie. 

The Reverend James Smylie, A. M., a Presby- 
terian minister in Mississippi, says in a pamphlet, 
he has recently published in favor of American 
slavery : 

" If slavery be a sin, and advertising and appre- 
hending slaves with a view to restore them to their 
masters, is a direct violation of the divine law, and 
if the buying, selling, or holding a slave for the 
SAKE OF GAIN, is a hcinous sin and scandal, then 
verily, three-fourths of all the Episcopalians, 
Methodists, Baptists, and Presbyterians, in 
eleven states of the union, are of the Devil. — 
They ' hold,' if they do not buy and sell slaves, and, 
with few exceptions, they hesitated not to ' appre, 
hend and restore' runaway slaves, when in their 
power." 

Charleston Union Presbytery. 

Extract from the minutes of the Charleston Union 
Presbytery, at their meeting on the 7th April, 1836. 

" II is a principle which meets the views of this 
hody, that slavery, as it exists among us, is a polite 
a* 



54 SENTIMENTS FAVORABLE TO THE 

ical institution, with wliich ecclesiastical judicato- 
ries have not the smallest right to interfere ; and in 
relation to which, any such interference, especially 
at the present momentous crisis, would be morally 
wrong, and fraught with the most dangerous and 
pernicious consequences. The sentiments which 
we maintain, in common with Christians at the South, 
of every denomination, are sentiments which so 
fully approve themselves to our consciences, are so 
identified with our solemn convictions of duty, that 
we should maintain them under any circumstances. 
E. T. Bust, Moderator. 
J3. GiLDERSLEEVE, Temporary Clerk." 

Synod of South Carolina and Georgia. 

Resolution of the Presbyterian Synod of South 
Carolina and Georgia, Dec. 1834. 

" Resolved, unanimously, That in the opinion of 
this Synod, Abolition Societies, and the principles 
on which they are founded, in the United States, are 
inconsistent with the interests of the slaves, the 
rights of the holders, and the great principles of our 
political institution." 

Testimony of the Missionary Society of the 
South Carolina Conference. 

The following declaration of sentiments has been 
published in Charleston, South Carolina, by the 
Board of Managers of the Missionary Society of the 
South Carolina Conference of the Methodist Epis- 
copal Church : 



PEEPETUITY GF AMERICAN SLAVERY. 55 

*'We denounce the principles and opinions of the 
abolitionists in toto ; and solemnly do declare our 
conviction and belief that, whether they were orig- 
inated, as some business men have thought, as a 
money speculation, or, as some politicians think, for 
party electioneering purposes, or, as we are inclined 
to believe, in a false philosophy, over-reaching or 
setting aside the scriptures through a vain conceit of 
higher moral refinement, they are utterly erroneous, 
and altogether hurtful. We coBsider and beheve 
that the Holy Scriptures, so far from giving any 
countenance to this delusion, do unequivocally 
authorise the relation of master and slave." 

Hopewell Presbytery, South Carolina. 

On the subject of domestic slavery, this Presby^ 
tery believe the following facts have been most 
incontrovertibly established, viz : 

"1. Slavery has existed in the church of God 
from the time of Abraham to this day. Members 
of the church of God, have held slaves bought with 
their money, and born in their houses ; and this 
relation is not only recognized, but its duties are 
defined clearly, both in the Old and New Testa, 
ments. 

2. Emancipation is not mentioned among the 
duties of the master to his slave. While obedience 
' even to the forward' master is enjoined upon the 
slave. 

3. No instance can be produced of an otherwise 
orderly Christian, being reproved, much less 
excommunicated from the church, for the single act 



5@ SENTIMENTS FAVORABLE TO THE 

of holding domestic slaves, from the days of Abra- 
ham down to the date of the. modern abolitionist. 

4. Slavery existed in the United States before 
our ecclesiastical body was organized. It is not 
condemned in our Confession of Faith, and has 
always existed in our church without reproof or 
condemnation. 

5. Slavery is a political institution with which 
the church has nothing to do, except to inculcate 
the duties of master and slave, and to use lawful 
spiritual means to have all, bond and free, become 
one in Christ by faith. 

Regarding these positions as undoubtedly truoj 
our views of duty constrain us to adopt the follow- 
ing resolutions : 

Resolved, That the political institutions of domes- 
tic slavery, as it exists in the South, is not a lawful 
or constitutional subject of discussion, much less of 
action, by the General Assembly. 

Resolved That so soon as the General Assembly 
passes any ecclesiastical laws, or recommends any 
action which shall interfere with this institution, this 
Presbytery will regard such laws and acts as tyran^ 
ical and odious — and from that moment, will regard 
itself independent of the General Assembly of the 
Presbyterian Church. 

Resolved, that our delegates to the approaching 
Assembly are hereby enjoined to use all Christian 
means to prevent the discussion of domestic slavery 
in the Assembly — to protest, in our name, against 
all acts that involve or approve abolition — and to 
withdraw from the Assembly and to return home, if, 



PERPETUITY OF AMERICAN SLAVERY. 67 

in spite of their efforts, acts of this character shall be 
passed." 

Synod of Virginia. 

** The committee to whom were referred the resor 
lutions, &c., have, according to order, had the same 
ynder consideration — and respectfully report that in 
their judgment, the following resolutions are neces- 
sary and proper to be adopted by the Synod at the 
present time. 

Whereas, the publications and proceedings of 
certain organized associations, commonly called 
anti-slavery, or abolition societies, which have arisen 
in some parts of our land, have greatly disturbed, 
and are still greatly disturbing the peace of the 
church, and of the country ; and the Synod of Virr 
ginia deem it a solemn duty which they owe to them-; 
selves and to the communify, to declare their sen- 
timents upon the subject; therefore : 

Resolved, unanimously. That we consider the 
dogma fiercely promulgated by said associations-^ 
that slavery as it exists in our slaveholding States is 
necessarily sinful, and ought to be immediately 
abolished, and the conclusions which naturally fol- 
low from that dogma, as directly and palpably con- 
trary to the plainest principles of common sense and 
common humanity, and to the clearest authority of 
the word of God." 

Testimony of the Rev. R. N. Anderson. 

'^ To the Sessions of the Presbyterian Congrega- 
tions within the bounds of the West Hanove? 
Presbytery : 



58 SENTIMENTS FAVORABLE TO THE 

" At the approaching stated meeting ofour Pres- 
bytery, I design to offer a preamble and string of 
resolutions on the subject of the use of wine in the 
Lord's Supper ; and also a preamble and a string of 
resolutions on the subject of the treasonable and 
abominably wicked interference of the northern and 
eastern fanatics with our political and civil rights, our 
property and our domestic concerns. You are 
aware that our clergy, whether with or without rea- 
son, are more suspected by the public than are the 
clergy of other denominations. Now, dear Chris- 
tian brethren, I humbly express it as my earnest 
wish, that you quit yourselves like men. If there 
be any stray goat of a minister among us, tainted 
with the blood-hound principles of aboHtionism, let 
him be ferreted out, silenced, excommunicated, and 
left to the public to dispose of him in other respects. 
" Your affectionate brother in the Lord. 

1835. Robert N. Anj)erson ! ! !" 

General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church. 

The following statements were made in the Gen- 
eral Assembly of the Presbyterian Church, conven- 
ed in Pittsburgh in May, 1836, and they have never 
been contradicted : 

" He (Mr. Dickey) believed there were many, 
and great evils in the Presbyterian church ; but the 
doctrine of slaveholding, he was fully persuaded, 
was the worst heresy now found in the church." 

Mr. Stewart — ^' I hope this Assembly are pre- 
pared to come out fully, and declare their sentiments 
that slaveholding is a most flagrant and heinous 



PERPETUITY OF AMERICAN SLAVERY. 59 

SIN. Let us not pass it by in this indirect way, 
while so many thousands and thousands ot our fellow 
creatures are writhing under the lash, often inflicted 
too by ministers and elders of the Preshylerian 
church,''' 

******* 

In THIS CHURCH, a man may take a free- 
born child, force it away from its parents, to whom 
.God gave it in charge, saying, 'Bring it up for me,' 
and sell it as a beast, or hold it in perpetual bondage, 
and not only escape corporeal punishment, but 
really be esteemed an excellent christian. Nay, 
even jninisters of the Gospel, and doctors of divin- 
ity, may engage in this unholy traffic, and yet 

(sustain their high and holy calling. 

****** 

Elders, ministers and doctors of divinity are 
with both hands engaged in the practice. 

3K ***** 

A slaveholder who is making gains by the trade, 

may have as good a character ibr honesty as any 

other man. 

****** 

No language can paint the injustice and abomi- 
nations of slavery. But in these United States, this 
vast amount of moral turpitude is, as I believe, 
justly chargeable to the church. I do not mean to 
say those church members who actually engage in 
this diabolical practice, but I mean to say the church. 
Yes, sir, all the infidelity that is the result of this 
unjust conduct of the professed followers of Christ ; 
all the unholy amalgamation ; all the tears and 



60 SENTIMENTS FAVORABLE TO THE 

groans ; all the eyes that have been literally plucked 

from their sockets ; all the pains and violent deaths 

from the lash, and the various engines of torture ; 

and all the souls that are, or will be eternally damned, 

as a consequence of slavery in these United States, 

are all justly chargeable to the church ; and how 

much falls to the share of this particular church, 

you can estimate as well as I. 

****** 

The judgments of God are staring this church 
full in the face, and threatening her dissolution. — 
She is all life and nerve in matters of doctrine, and 
on some points where men may honestly differ ;— ^ 
while the sins of a crimson dye are committed in 
open day. by members of the Church, with perfect 
impunity." 

This same Assembly, in 1816, struck out of the 
Confesoion of the Church the following note, adopted 
in 1794, and which contained the doctrine of the 
church at that period, on the subject of slavehold- 
ing. The note was appended to the one hundred 
and forty-second question of the large catechism : 

" 1 Tim. i. 10. The law is made for man steal- 
ers. This crime among the Jews exposed the 
perpetrators of it to capital punishment ; Exodus 
xxi. 16 ; and the apostle here classes them with 
sinners of the first rank. The word he uses, in its 
original import, coniprehends all who are concerned 
in bringing any of the human race into slavery, or 
in retaining them in it* Homnium furis, qui seives 
vel libros abducent, retinent vendunt, vel emunt. — 
Stealers of men are all those who bring off slaves 



PERPETUITY OF AMERICAN SLAVERY. 61 

or freemen, and keep, sell, or buy them. To 
steal a freeman, says Grotius, is the highest kind of 
theft. In other instances, we only steal human 
property, but when we steal or retain men in slavery, 
we seize those who, in common with ourselves, are 
constituted by the original grant, lords of the earth. 
Gen. i. 28. Vide Poli synopsin in locJ'^ 

Methodist Church, in 1780. 

In the year 1780, the sentiments of the Metho- 
dist societies in this country were thus expressed 
upon this subject, in the minutes of the Conference 
for that year : 

" The conference acknowledges that slavery is 
contrary to the laws of god, man and nature, 
and hurtful to society ; CONTRARY TO THE 
DICTATES OF CONSCIENCE AND PURE 
R.ELIGION ; and doing what we would not that 
others should do unto us ; and they pass their dis- 
approbation upon all our friends who keep slaves, 
and they advise their freedom." 

And from Lee's History of the Methodists, page 
101, we learn that the M. E. Church was organized, 
with a number of express rules upon this subject, 
whicli stipulated that slavery should not he contin- 
ued in this church. One of them was as follows : 

" Every member in our society shall legally 
execute and record an instrument [for the purpose 
of setting every slave in his possession free,] within 
the space of twenty-two years." 

Another was as follows : 

" Every person concerned, who will not comply 
6 



62 SENTIMENTS FAVORABLE TO THl 

with these rules, shall have liberty quietly to withdraw 
from our society within the twelve months following, 
the notice being given him as aforesaid : — otherwise 
the assistant shall excluded him from the society." 

And again, another rule declared that — 

" Those who bought or sold slaves, or gave them 
away, unless on purpose to free them, should be 
expelled immediately." 

And forty years ago, the discipline of this church 
contained the following directions upon the subject : 

" The preachers and other members of our socie- 
ty, are requested to consider the subject of negro 
slavery with deep attention ; and that they impart to 
the General Conference through the medium of the 
Yearly Conferences, or otherwise, any important 
thoughts upon the subject, that the Conference may 
have full light, in order to take further steps to- 
wards eradicating this enormous evil from that 
part of the church of God with which they are con- 
nected. The Annual Conferences are directed to 
draw up addresses for the gradual emancipation of 
the slaves, to the legislatures of those states in 
which no general laws have been passed for that 
purpose. These addresses shall urge, in the most 
respectful, but pointed manner, the necessity of a 
law for the gradual emancipation of slaves. Proper 
committees shall be appointed by the Annual Con- 
ferences, out of the most respectable of our friends, 
for the conducting of the business ; and the presiding 
elders, elders, deacons, and travelling preachers, 
shall procure as many proper signatures as possi- 
ble to the addresses, and give all the assistance in 
their power, in every respect to aid the commit-; 



PERPETUITY OF SLAVERY. 63 

tees, and to further this blessed undertaking. Let 
this be continued from year to year, till the desired 
end be accomplished." 

General Conference of the M. E. Church in 1836. 

But the above was long ago left out of the Dis- 
cipline of this church, and at the last session of its 
highest ecclesiastical body in Cincinnati, in May, 
1836, the following resolution was adopted, yeas 
120, noes 14. 

" Resolved, by the delegates of the Annual Con- 
ferences, in the General Conference assembled, 
That they are decidedly opposed to modern aboli- 
tionism, and wholly disclaim any right, wish, or 
intention to interfere in the civil and political rela- 
tion between master and slave, as it exists in the 
slave-holding states of this Union." 

A motion was made, to amend the above resolu- 
tion by putting in the words, " Although we are as 
rnuch as ever convinced of the great evil of slave- 
ry," the language of the Discipline, but this motion 
was lost. 

Testimony of Rev. W. Winans. 

At this same General Conference of the M. E, 
Church, the Rev. Mr. Winans, a prominent, popu- 
lar preacher, and a southern delegate, confessed 
himself there a slave-holder ; solemnly asserted 
that " it was important to the interests of the slaves, 
and in view of the question of slavery, that there be 
Christians who were slaveholders. Christians min- 
isters should be slaveholders, and diffused through- 
out the South." Yes, he repeated, there should be 



64 SENTIMENTS FAVORABLE TO THE 

" members, and deacons, and elders, and BISHOPS, 
too, who were slaveholders." 

Mr. Winans, in relating an anecdote in Confe- 
rence, to show the inexpediency of abolition efforts, 
as regards their influence on the prosperity of the 
southern church, intimated that the article in the 
Methodist Discipline on the subject of slavery, was 
in fact a dead letter. 

Testimony of Dr. Capers. 

Dr. Capers in his speech, in mentioning various 
reasons why Methodists, after a certain date, be- 
came less odious to the people of the southern states, 
said — "at length people began to consider that 
many of them were slaveholders— why should they 
be insurrectionists ?" 

Again — the southern section of the Methodist 
church is now murmuring because slaveholding 
ministers are excluded from the highest offices in 
the churches — nay more — disunion is seriously, 
openly hinted at by prominent preachers in the 
South, if hereafter, the fact of a minister being a 
slaveholder, is considered valid reason for withhold- 
ing from him the office of Bishop. 

Testimony of Prof, Hodge. 

" It is acknowledged, that, at the time of the Ad- 
vent of Jesus Christ, slavery in its worst forms, pre- 
vailed over the world. The Saviour found it around 
him in Judea ; the apostles met with it in Asia, 
Greece, and Italy. How did they treat it? Not by 
the denunciation o^ slaveholding as necessarily 5m- 
ful. The assumption that slaveholding is, in itself, 



PERPETUITY OF SLAVERY. 65 

a crime, is not only an error, but it is an error 
fraught with evil consequences." 

Bib. Rep. April, 1836. 
Testimony of W. B. Seabrook, of S. C. 

" In the judgment of my fellow citizens, slavery 
is not inconsistent with the laws of nature, and of 
God. The Bible informs us, that it was estab- 
lished and SANCTIONED by divine authority even 
among the elect of Heaven." 

Essav, read before the Agricultural Society of St. Johns' 

Collection, 1836. 

Testimony of Edward Brown, of S. Carolina. 

" Slavery has ever been the step-ladder by which 
civilized countries have passed from barbarism to 
civilization. It appears, indeed, to be the only state, 
capable of bringing the love of independence and of 
ease, inherent in man, to the discipline necessary 
to the supply of food, raiment, and shelter, necessa^ 
ry to his physical wants." 

Notes on the origin and necessity of Slavery, 1826. 

Testimony of Dr. Dalcho, of S. Carolina. 

" Slavery is not forbidden by the Divine Law. so 
it is left to our own judgment whether we hold 
slaves or not." 

Praetical Considerations, &c. 1823. 

Charleston Courier. 

" We confidently pronounce, that he must wil- 
fully shut his eyes against the broad and palpable 
light of truth, who will not acknowledge that the Old 
Testament conclusively shows, that slavery was not 



66 SENTIMENTS FAVORABLE TO THE 

only not condemned, but received the express sane 
Hon of the God of Abraham, of Isaac, and of 
Jacob.'' 

1835. 

Testimony of W. A. Duer, LL. D. 

" We deny that it is a crime to retain [in slavery] 
those ignorant and helpless beings, who have been 
cast upon [our] protection, as well as thrown into 
[our] power by no act of their own." 

3d An. Rnp. N. Y. City Col. Society. 

Testimony of the Quarterly Christian Spectator. 

"The bible contains no explicit prolihition of 
slavery, it recognizes both in the Old Testament and 
in the New, such a constitution of Society, and it 
lends its authority to enforce the mutual obligations 
resulting from that constitution." 

1833. 

Testimony of Dr. R. rurmau. 

" The right of holding slaves is clearly establish, 
ed in the Holy Scriptures, both by precept and ex- 
ample." 

Exposition of the views of the Baptists, addressed to the 
Governor of S. Carolina, 1833. 

Testimony of T. R. Dew, Prof, of History, Meta- 
physics and Politcal Law, in William and 
Mary College. 

" Slavery was established and sanctioned, by 
Divine authority, among even the elect of Heaven — 
the favored children of Fsrael." 

Review of the Debate in the Virginia Legislature of 183J and 1832. 



PERPETUITY OF SLAVERY. 67 

The Counter Appeal. 

" The general rule of Christianity not only per- 
mits, but in supposable circumstances, enjoins a con- 
tinuance of the master^ s authority. 

We say then, that this text in Col. iii. 22 — 25, 
proves to a demunstration,X\\di\. in the primitive Chris- 
tian church at Colosse, under the Apostolic eye, 
and with the Apostolic sanction, the relation of mas- 
ter and slave was permitted to subsist. 

1 Cor. vii. 20— 23« 

This text seems mainly to enjoin and sanction the 
fitting continuance of their present social relations ; 
the freeman was to remain free, and the slave, un- 
less emancipation should offer, ivas to remain a 
slave.' 

The New Testament, enjoins obedience upon 
the slave as an obligation due to a present rightful 
authority. 

It is manifest that the question of slave emancipa- 
tion did agitate the primitive church in the apos- 
tie's day. Christianity arose, with the golden 
rule for its motto, and equalizing love for its spirit ; 
and no question could be more natural, than wheth- 
er it did not break every fetter and equalize the 
slave to his master. Upon this the apostle pro- 
nounces his decisive negative dictum. 

Christianity spread in a land where slavery exist- 
ed as cruel and licentious as ever existed in this 
country ; yet it did not, on account of those heathen- 
ish abuses, pronounce the relation itself immutably 
wrong; it did not excommunicate the slaveholder as 
not truly awakened ; and though he held in subor- 
dination men who themselves, or whose ancestry had 



68 SKNTIMENTS FAVORABLE TO SLAVERY, 

been stolen, it did not pronounce the holder a man- 
thief; nor did it imperatively require of him the 
performance of immediate emancipation." 

W. FiSK, 

John Lindsley, 

Bartholomew Otheman, 

Hezekiah S, Ramsdell, 

Edward T. Taylor, 

Abel Stevens, 

Jacob Sanborn, 

H. H. White, 

March 27, 1835. 

Testimony of Prof. Whedon. 

"There were Christian or he\\e\mg slave-holders 
in the [primitive] Christian church. Now whatev- 
er oouXog means, here (1 Tim. vi. 2) despotai are 
ynequivocally slavchoiers, vviio are ' brethren, faith- 
Jul and beloved, partakers of the [gospel] benejit.^^^ 

Zion's Herald of Maich 30, 1836. 

Testimony of the Rev. W. Fisk, D. D. 

" The relation of master and slave, may and does, 
in many cases, exist, under such circumstances, as 
free the master from the just charge and guilt of im- 
pfiorality." 

Letter to Rev. T. Mcrritt. 

Testimony of Rev. N. Bangs, D. D, 

*' It appears evident, that however much the 
aposde might have deprecated slavery as it then 
existed throughout the Roman empire, he did not 
feel it his duty, as an ambassador of Christ, to dis- 



PRACTICAL SLAVERY. 69 

turb those relations which subsisted between mas- 
ters and servants by denouncing slavery us such a 
mortal sin that they could not be servants of Christ 
in such a relation.^^ 

Christ. Ad. and Journal, No. 431. 

The foregoing extracts are not quoted here to 
prove that each of the authors of them designed Xojus. 
tify or defend slavery as a system. But we think they 
do prove beyond a doubt, that the sentiment pre- 
vails very extensively throughout this nation, among 
professors of religion, ministers of the Gospel, pre- 
sidents of colleges, &c. &c., that, the act of slave- 
holding is, not in itself, sinful ; and consequently 
it follows, that a great change must take place in 
the views of this nation before slavery will ever be 
abolished. 



CHAPTERX. 

PRACTICAL SLAVERY. 

What is slavery in practice 1 Many suppose that 
it often exists under some peculiar " circumstances " 
which, some how or other, " free the slaveholder 
from the just charge and guilt of immorality." 
What those " peculiar circumstances " are, howev- 
er, we are not told. 

We have had many fine spun theories on " slave- 
ry in the abstract ;" but it matters but little to ♦he 
poor slave what slavery is in the abstract, its practice, 
however, is every thing to him. Hence, we think 
it proper to give a few facts like the following, as a 



fO PRACTICAL SLAVERY. 

work of this kind might be justly considered incom- 
plete without them. In reading the following items, 
let it be remembered, that they describe such cases, 
precisely, as are occurring in the midst of slavery, 
every day ; slavery never did, and never will exist 
in any country, without perpetrating crimes like the 
following. We do not mean by this, that there are 
no enslavers who do not inflict corporeal cruelties 
upon the persons of their slaves, but we mean to 
say, that slavery cannot and never did exist without 
its evils, such as are here described. 

The following items are selected from a most in- 
teresting work entitled, " Narrative of Charles Ball, 
who was forty years a slave in Maryland, South 
Carolina and Georgia." In reading these extracts, 
it should be remembered that the story this slave 
tells of himself, is true to the life, and similar narra- 
tives might be given by thousands of others in this 
land who are now in chains, and not suffered to 
speak for themselves. 

Separation of parents and children. 

" At the time I was sold I was quite naked, having 
never had any clothing in my life ; but my new 
piaster had brought with him a child's frock, or 
wrapper, belonging to one of his own children — and 
after he purchased me, he dressed me in this gar- 
ment, took me before him on his horse, and started 
home ; but my poor mother, when she saw me leav- 
ing her for the last time, ran after me, took me 
down from the horse, clasped me in her arms, and 
wept loudly and bitterly over me. My master 
§eemed to pity her, and endeavored to soothe her 



PRACTICAL SLAVERY. fj 

distress by telling her that he would be a good mas 
ter to me, and that I should not want any thing 
fehe then, still holding me in her arms, walked alons 
the road beside the horse, as he moved slowly, and 
earnestly and imploringly besought my master to 
buy her and the rest of her children, and not per 
mit them to be carried away by the negro buyers • 
but whilst thus entreating him to save her and her 
lamily, the slave-driver who had first bought her 
came running in pursuit of her with a raw hide in 
hjs hand. When he overtook us, he told her he 
was her master now, and ordered her to give that 
little negro to its owner, and come back with him 

My mother then turned to him and cried—' Oh 
master, do not take me from my child i' Without 
making any reply, he gave her two or three heavy 
blows on the shoulders with his raw hide, snatched 
me from her arms, handed me to my master, and 
seizing her by one arm, dragged her back towards 
the place of sale. My master then quickened the 
pace of his horse ; and as we advanced, the cries 
ot my poor parent became more and more indis- 
tmct At length, they died away in the distance, 
and 1 never again heard the voice of my poor mo- 
ther. Young as 1 was, the horrors of that day sank 
deeply into my heart— and even at this time, though 
halt a century has elapsed, the terrors of the scend 
ret«rn with pamful vividness upon my memory. 
Frightened at the sight of the cruelties inflict^ 
ed upon my poor mother, I forgot my own sorrows 
at parting from her, and clung to my new master as 
an angel and saviour, when compared with the bar. 
dened fiend into whose power she had fallen.--Sh^ 



72 PRACTICAL SLAVERY. 

had been a kind and good mother to me — had 
warmed me in her bosom in the cold nights of win- 
ter, and had often divided the scanty pittance of food 
allowed her by her mistress between my brothers, 
and sisters, and me, and gone supperless to bed her- 
self. Whatever victuals she could obtain beyond 
the coarse food, salt fish, and corn bread allowed to 
slaves on the Patuxent and Potomac rivers, ehe 
carefully distributed among her children, and treat- 
ed us with all the tenderness which her own misera- 
ble condition would permit. I have no doubt that 
she was chained and driven to Carolina, and foiled 
out the residue of a forlorn and famished existence 
in the rice swamps or indigo fields of the South. 

My father never recovered from the effects of 
the shock which this sudden and overwhelming ruin 
of his family gave him. He had formerly been of a 
gay, social temper ; and when he came to see us 
on a Saturday night, he always brought us a little 
present, such as the means of a poor slave would 
allow — apples, melons, sweet potatoes, or, if he could 
procure nothing else, a little parched corn, which 
tasted better in our cabin, because he had brought it.'^ 

Separation of Families. 

" My master kept a store at a small village on the 

bank of the Patuxent river, called B , although 

he resided at some distance on a farm. One morn- 
ing he rose early, and ordered me to take a yoke of 
oxen and go to the village, to bring home a cart which 
was there, saying he would follow me. He arriv- 
ed at the village soon after I did, and took his break- 
fast with his store-keeper. He then told me to 



PRACTICAL SLAVERY, 78 

<some into tbe house and get my breakfast. Whilst 
i was eating in the kitchen, 1 observed him talkr 
ing earnesily, but lowly, to a stranger near the 
kitchen door. I soon after went out, and hitched 
jny oxen to the cart, and was about to drive off, 
when several men came round about me, and 
amongst them the stranger whom I had seen speak- 
ing with my master.— ^-This man came up to me, 
and, seizing me by the collar, shook me violently, 
saying 1 was his property and must go with him to 
<jeorgia. At the sound of these words, the thoughts 
of my wife and children rushed across my mind-^ 
and my heart died away within me. I saw and 
knew that my case was hopeless, and that resistance 
was vain, as there were ne^r twenty persons pre- 
sent, all of whom were ready to assist the ma,n by 
whom I was kidnapped. I felt incapable of weep, 
ing or speaking, and in my despair I laughed loud- 
ly. My purchaser ordered me to cross my hands 
behind, wiiich were quickly hound with a strong 
cord ; and he then told me that w^e must set out that 
very day for the South. I ask«d if I could not be 
allowed to go to see ray wife and children, or if this 
could not be permitted, if they might not have leave 
to come and see me-^but was told that I would .he 
able to get another wife in Georgia. 

My new master, whose name I did not bear, took 
me that same day across the Patuxe;t, where I join- 
ed fifty-one other slaves, whom he had bought iij 
Maryland. Thirty-two of these were men, and 
nineteen were women. The women were merely 
tied together with a rope about the size of a bed 
cord, which was tied like a halter round tbe neck of 
7 



74 PRACTICAL SLAVERY. 

each ; bat the men, of whom I was the stoutest and 
strongest, were very differently caparisoned. A 
strong iron colar was closely fitte:! by means of a 
padlock, round each of our necks. A chain of iron, 
about a hundred feet in length, was passe 1 through 
the hasp of each padlock, except at the two ends, 
where the hasps of the padlocks passed through a 
link of the chain. In addition to this, we were 
handcuffed in pairs, with iron staples nnd bolts, with 
a short chain, about a foot long, uniriog the hand- 
cuffs and their wearers in pairs. In this manner 
we weie chained alternately by the right and left 
hand; and the poor man to whom I was thus iron- 
ed> wept like an infant when the blacksmith, with his 
heavy hammer, fastened the ends of the bolts that 
kept the staples from slipping from our arms. For 
my own part, I felt indifferent to my fate. It appear- 
ed to me, that the worst had come, that could come, 
and that no change of fortune could harm me." 

Feelings of a father. 

Long after the subject of this narrative had been 
parted from his wife and children in Maryland, and 
had passed from one master to another, he was 
taken to a plantation in Sou h Carolina, and direct- 
ed to lodge in a cabin, which is thus described : — 

" I followed my new friend to his cabin, which I 
found to be the liabita ion of himself, his wife, and 
five children. The only fuiniture in this cabin con- 
sisted of a few blocks of wood for seats ; a short 
bench, made of pine boards, which served as a table; 
and a small bed in one corner, composed of a mat, 
made of common rushes, sprjaa upon some corn 



PRACTICAL SLAVERY. 75 

husks, pulled and split into fine pieces, and kept to- 
gether by a narrow slip of wood, confined to the 
floor by wooden pins. There was a common iron 
pot standing beside the chimney, and several wood- 
en spoons and dishes hung against the wall. Se- 
veral blankets also hung against the wall upon wood- 
en pins. An old box, made of pine boards, without 
either lock or hinges, occupied one corner. 

At the time I entered this humble abode, the mis- 
tress was not at home. She had not yet returned 
from the field — having been sent, as the husband 
informed me, with some oiher people, late in the 
evening, to do some work in a field about two miles 
distant. I found a child about a year old, lying on 
the mat bed, and a little girl about four years old 
sitting beside it. 

These children were entirely naked, and when 
we came to the door, the elder rose from its place 
and ran to its father, and clasping him around one 
of his kne«^s,said, ' Now we shall get good supper.' 
The father laid his hand upon the head of his naked 
child, and stood silently looking in its face — which 
was turned upwards towards his own for a mo- 
ment — and then turning to me, said, 'Did you leave 
any children at home?' The scene before me — the 
question propounded — and the manner of this poor 
man and his child caused my heart to swell until 
my breast seemed too small to contain it. My soul 
fled back upon the wings of fancy to my wife's low- 
ly dwelling in Maryland — where I had been so of- 
ten met on a Saturday evening, when i had paid 
them my weekly visit, by my own little ones, who 
clung to my knees for protection and support, even 



iO PRACTICAL SLAVERY. 

as the poor little wretch now before ine seizk^d upon 
the weary limb of its hapless and destitute father, 
hoping that, naked as he was, (for he, too was naked, 
save only the tattered remains of a pair of old trou- 
sers,) he would bring with his return at evening iis 
customary scanty supper. 1 was unabJe to reply, 
but stood motionless, leaning against the walls of tli« 
cabin. My children seemed to flit by the door in 
the dusky twilight ; and the twittering of a swallow, 
which that moment fluttered over niy head, sound- 
ed in my ear as the infantile tillering of my own lit* 
tie boy ; but on a moment's rejection, I knew th^t 
we were separated without the hope of ever again 
meeting— that they no more Ijeard (he welcome 
tread of my feet, and could never again receive the 
little gifts with which, poor as I was, I was accus- 
tomed to present them. I was far from the place 
of my nativity, :n a land of stangers, with no one to 
care for me beyond the care that a master bestows 
upon his ox— ^with all my iuture life one long, waste, 
barren desert, of cheerless, hopeless, lifeless slavery, 
to be varied only by the pangs of hunger, and the 
stings of the lash." 

A slave mother* 

" As we went out in the morning, I observed seve- 
ral women, who carried their young children .n their 
arms to tho field. These mothers laid their chil- 
dren at the side of the fence, or under the shade of 
the cotton plants, whiist they were at work ; and 
when the rest of us went to get water, they would 
go to give suck to their children, requesting some 
one to bring them water in gourds, \\ hich they were 



PRACTICAL SLAVERY. 77 

careful to carry to the fi(;lcl witli them. One young 
woman did not, like the others, leave her child at 
the end of the row, but had contrived a sort of rude 
knapsack, made of a piece of coarse linen cloth, in 
which she fastened her child, which was very young, 
upon her back — and in this way carried it all day, 
and performed her task at the hoe with the other 
people. 

I pitied this woman ; and as we were going home 
at night, I came near her, and spoke to her. Per- 
ceiving as soon as she spoke, that she had not been 
brought up amongst the slaves of this plantation — 
for her language was different from theirs — I asked 
her why she did not do as the other women aid, 
and leave lier child at the end of the row m the 
shade. ' Indeed,' said she, ' 1 cannot leave my child in 
the weeds amongst the snakes. What would be my 
feelings if 1 should leave it there, and a scorpion were 
to bite it ? Besides, my child cries so piteously 
when I leave it alone in the field, that I cannot bear 
to hear it. Poor thing ! I wish we were both in the 
grave, where all sorrow is forgotten.' 

I asked this woman, who did not appear to be 
more than twenty years old, how long she had been 
here, and were she came from. 'I have been 
here,' said she, ' almost two years — and came from 
the Eastern Shore. I once lived as well as any la- 
dy in Vlaryland. 1 was born a slave in the family of 
a gentleman whose name was Le Compt. My mas- 
ter was a man of property — hved on his estate, and 
entertained much company. My mistress, who was 
very kind to me, made me her nurse, when I was 
about ten years old, and put me to live with her 
7* 



I'S PRACTICAL SI.AVERV. 

own children. I grew up :imongst her daughters, 
not as their equal and companion, but as a favored 
and indulged servant. I was always well dressed, and 
received a portion of all the dciicacies of I heir table. 
I wanted nothing, and had not the trouble of pro- 
viding even for myself. I believe there was nor a 
happier being in the world than I was. At present, 
tione can be more wretciied.' 

After giving an account of previous hardships 
and perils, and how she was finally kidnapped and 
carried off, she thus concludes her story : 

' When we commenced our journey for the 
South, we were about sixty in number. The men 
were chained together, but the women were all left 
quite at liberty. At the end of three weeks, we 
reached Savannah river, opposite the town of Au- 
gusta, where we were sold out by our ownor. Our 
present master v/as there, and purchased me and. 
another woman, who has been at vvoik in the field 
to-day. 

Soon after I was brought home, the oversser 
compelled me to be married to a man I did not like. 
He is a native of Africa, and still retains the man- 
ners and religion of his country. He has not been 
with us to-day, as he is sick, and under the care of 
the doctor. I must hasten home to get my supper, 
and go to rest-^and glad I should be, if I were 
never to rise again* 

I have several times been whipped unnaerciful- 
ly, because I was not strong enough to do as much 
work with the hoe as the other women who have 
lived all their Uves on this plantation, and have been 
accustomed from their infancy to work in the field* 



Practical slavery. /y 

For a long lime after I was brought here, I 
thought it would be impossible for me to live on the 
coarse and scanty food with which we are supplied. 
When I contrast my former happiness with my pre- 
sent misery, I pray for death to deliver me from 
my sufferings.' 

The narrative gives an account of tke death of 
this poor woman, which took place soon after the 
conversation above described. 

rlogging:. 

Two slaves had been convicted and hanged for 
murder : the following punishment was de.^lt out to 
one who happened to be in the house at the time 
the murder was committed : — 

" I had often seen black men whipped, and had al- 
ways, when the lash was applied with great s-^ve- 
rity, heard the sufferer cry out and beg for mercy^^— 
but in this case, the pain inflicted by the double 
blows of the hickory was so intense, that Billy never 
uttered so much as a groan ; and I do not believe, he 
breathed for the space of two minutes after he receiv- 
ed the first strokes. He shrank his body close to 
the trunk of the tree, around which his arms and 
legs were lashed, drew his shoulders up to his head, 
like a d\ing man, and trembled, or rather shivered, 
in ail his members. The blood flowed from the 
commencement, and in a few minutes lay in small 
puddles at the root of the tree. 1 saw flakes of 
flesh as long as my finger, fall out of the gashes in 
his back ; and I believe he v/as insensible during 
all the time that he was receiving the last two hun» 
dred lashes-. When the whole five hundred lashes 



80 PRACTICAL SLAVEnY. 

had been counted by the person appointed to per- 
form this duty, the half dead body was unbound, and 
laid in the shade of the tr^e upon which I sat. The 
gentlemen w!;o had done the whipping, eight or ten 
in number, being joined by their friends, then came 
under the tree, and drank punch until their dinner 
was made ready, under a boodi of green boughs, 
at a short distance." 

Cat-haAvling. 

A whole gang of slaves had been flogged to make 
one of them confess that he had stolen a hog. Fi- 
nally, one was fixed upon astjje culprit, and the fol- 
lowing method taken for his punishment : — 

" A boy was then ordered to get up, run to the 
house, and bring a cat, wliich was soon produced. 
The cat, which was a large gray tom-cat, was then 
taken by the well-dressed gentleman, and placed up- 
on the bare back of the prostrate black man, near the 
shoulders, and forcibly dragged by the tail down the 
back, and along the bare thighs of the sufferer. 
The cat sunk his nails into the flesh, and tore off 
pieces of the skin with his teeth. The man roared 
with the pain of this punishment, and would have 
rolled along the ground, had he not have been held 
in his place by the force of four other slaves, each 
one of whom confined a hand or a foot. As soon as 
the cat was drawn from him, the man said he would 
tell who stole the liog, and confessed that he and 
several others, three of whom were then holding, 
had stolen the hog — killed, dressed, and eaten it. In 
return for this confession, the overseer said he should 
have anotJier touch of the cat, wliich was again 



PRACTICAL SLAVERY. 9t 

drawn along his back, not as before, from the 
head downwards, but from below the hips to the 
head. The man was then permitted to rise, and 
each of those who had been named by him as a 
participator in stealing the hog, was compelled to lie 
down, and have the cat twice drawn alonj; his back — ■ 
first downwards, and then upwards. After the ter- 
mination of this punishment, each of the sufferers 
was washed with salt xvater by a black woman, and 
they were then a!l dismissed. 

This was the most excruciating punishment that I 
ever saw inflicted on black people — and, in my 
opinion, it is ver}' dangerous, for the claws of the cat 
are poisonous, and wounds made by them are very 
subject to inflammation." 

3Iethod of capturins runaways. 

"Occasionally, armed parties of whi'es go in pur- 
suit of them, who make no secret of their determin- 
ation to shoot down all that refuse to surrender — 
which they sometimes do. In one instance a negro 
who was closely pursued, instead of heeding the 
order to surrender, waded into a shallow pond be- 
yond the reach of his pursuers ; refusing still to 
yield, he was shot through the heart by one of the 
party. This occurred near Natchez, but no notice 
was taken of it by the civil authorities ; but in this 
they were consistent, for the city patrols or night 
watch are allowed to do the same thing with impu- 
nity, though it is authorized by no law." 

" Another mode of capturing runaways is by 
bloodhounds ; this I hope is rarely done. An in- 
stance was related to me La Clairborne co.. Miss. 



82 PRACTICAL SLAVERY. 

A runaway was heard about the house in the 
night. The hound was put upon liis track, and 
in the morning was found watching the dead body 
of the negro. The dogs are trained to this service 
while young. A negro is directed to go into the 
woods, and secure himseli'upon a tree. When suf- 
ficient time has elapsed for doing this, the hound 
is put upon his track. The blacks also are com- 
pelled to worry them till they make them their im- 
placable enemi(^s ; and it is common to meet with 
dogs, which will take no notice of whites, though 
entire strangers, but will suffer no black beside the 
house servants to entpr the yard. Captured runa- 
ways are confined in jail till claimed by their own- 
ers. If they are not claimed within the time pre- 
scribed by law, th»'y are sold at public sale, and in 
the mean time are employed as scavengers with a 
heavy ball and chain fastened to one of their an- 
cles.''— iV. Y, Evangelist, Jan. 31, 1835. 

Murder. 

"In the County of Livingston, (Ky.), near the 
mouth of Cumberland, lived Lilburn Lewis, a sister's 
son ot the venerable Jt-fferson. He, ' who suckled 
at fair Freedom's breast,' was the wealthy owner of 
a considerable number of slaves, whom he drove 
constantly, fed sparingly, and lashed severely. The 
consequence was, they would run away. This 
must have given, to a man of spirit and a man of 
business, great anxieties until he found them, or un- 
til they had starved out, and returned. Among the 
rest, was an ill-grown boy, about seventeen, who, 
having just returned from a skulking spell, was 



PRACTICAL SLAVERY. 83 

sent to the spring for water, and, in returning, let 
fall an elegant piicher. It was dashed to shivers 
upon the locks. This was the occasion. It was 
night, and the slaves all at home. The master had 
them collected into the most roomy negro-house, 
and arousing fire made. When the door was se- 
cured, that none might escape, either through fear 
of him or sympathy with George, he opened the de- 
sign of the interview, namely, that they might be 
effectually taught to stay at home, and obey his or- 
ders. Ail things being now in train, he culled up 
George, who approached his master with the most 
unreserved submission. He bound him with cords, 
and, by the assistance of his younger brother, laid 
him on a broad bench, or meat block. He now pro- 
ceeded to WHANG off George by the ancles ! ! ! It 
was with the broad axe ! — ^In vain did the unhappy 
victim SCKEAM AND ROAR ! Ho was completely in 
his master's power. Not a hand among so many, 
durst interfere. Casting the feet into the fire, he 
lectured ihem at some length. He whacked him 
OFF below the knees! George roaring out, and 
praying his master to begin at the other end! 
He aditionished them again, throwing the U'gs into 
the fire ! Then above the knees, tossing the joints 
into the fire ! He again lectuied them at leisure. The 
next stroke severed the thighs from the body. These 
were also committed to Uie flames. And so off the 
arms, and head, and trunk, until all was in the fire ! 
Still protracting the intervals with lectures, and 
threatenings of like punishment, in case of disobedi- 
ence, and running away, or disclosure of this trage- 



84 PRACTICAL SLAVERY. 

dy. Nothing now remained, but to consume the 
flesh and bones; and for this purpose the fire was 
briskly stirred, until two hours after midnight. 
When, as though the earth would cover out of sight 
the nefarious scene, and as though the great Master 
in heaven would put a mark of his displeasure up- 
on such monstrous cruelty, a sudden and surprising 
shock of earthquake overturned the coarse and hea- 
vy back wall, composed of rock and clay, which 
completely covered the fire and remains of George. 
This put an end to the amusements of the evening.. 
The negroes were now permitted to disperse, with 
charges to keep this matter among themselves, and 
never to whisper it in the neighborhood, under the 
penalty of a like punishment. When he retired, 
the lady exclaimed, ' O ! Mr. Lewis, where have 
you been, and what have you done V She had heard 
a strange pounding, and dreadful screams, and had 
smelled something like fresh meat burning! He 
said that he had never enjoyed himself at a ball so 
well as he had enjoyed himself that evening. Next 
morning, he ordered the negroes to rebuild the back 
wall, and he himself superintended the work, throw, 
ing the pieces of fiesh that still remained with the 
bones, behind, as it went up, thus hoping to conceal 
the matter. But it could not be hid — much as the 
jiegroes seemed to hazard, they whispered the hor- 
hid deed to the neighbors, who came, and, before his 
.eyes tore down the wall, and finding the remains of 
the boy, they testified against him. But before the 
-court sat, to which he was bound over, he was by 
;an act of suicide, with George, in the eternal world. 



PRACTICAL gLAVERY. 85 

" Sure, there are bolts, red with no common 
wrath, to blast the man. 

William Dickey. 

*' Blonmingshurg, Oct. 8,1824. 

"N. B. This happened in 1811, if I be correct, 
•the 16lh ot December. It was the Sabbath !" 

Shocking Barbarities. 

" Yesterday at about 10 o'clock, the dwelling house 
,of a Mr. Lalaurie, corner Royal and Hospital sts., 
was discovered to be on fire, and whilst the engines 
were occupied in extinguishing it, it was rumored, 
that several slaves were kept chained in some of the 
apartments. The crowd rushed in to their deliver- 
ance, and amongst others, Mr. Canonge, Judge of 
the criminal court, who demanded of Mr. and Mrs. 
Lalaurie, where these poor creatures were kept, 
which they obstinately refused to disclose, when Mr^ 
•Canonge with a manly and praise wori hy zeal rushed 
into the kitchen, which was on fire, followed by two 
or three young men, and brought forth a negro wo- 
man, found there chained. She was covered with 
bruises and wounds from severe flogging. All the 
apartments were then forced open. In a room on 
the ground floor, two more were found chained 
^nd in a deplorable condition. Upstairs and in the 
garret, four more were found chained, some so weak 
,as to be unable to walk, and all covered with wounds 
.and sores. One, a mulatto boy, declares himself to 
}iave been chained for five months, being fed daily 
^with only a handful of meal, and receiving every 
iinorning the most cruel treatment. One of the poor 
slaves was rotten with sores, and in them were 
8 



86 PRACTICAL SLAVERY. 

found numbers of living crcutures." — N. Orleans 
Mercantile Advertiser. 

Burn in ir alive. 

"Tuscaloosa, Ala. 
*' Some time during the last week, one of those 
outrageous transactions, and we really ihink dis- 
graceful to the character of civilized man, took place 
near the north-east boundary line of Perry, adjoin- 
ing Bibb and Antauga counties. The circum- 
stances, we are informed by a gentleman from that 
county, are that a Mr. McNeilly having lost some 
clothing or other property of no great value, the 
slave of a neigiiboring planter was charged with the 
theft. McNeilly in company with his brother, found 
the negro driving his master's wagon, they seized 
him, and either did, or were about to chastise liim, 
when the negro stabbed McNeilly, so that he died 
in an hour afterwards. Ttie negro was taken before 
a justice of the peace, who after serious delibera- 
tion waived his authority, perhaps through fear, as 
the crowd of persons from the above counties had 
collected to the number of seventy or eighty men 
near Mr. People's, the Justice's house. He acted as 
president of the mob, and put the vote, when it was 
decided he should be immediately executed by be- 
ing BURNT TO DEATH. The sablc culprit was led 
to a tree and tied to it, and a large quantity of pine 
knots collected and placed around him ; and the fa- 
tal torch applied to the pile even against the remon- 
strances of several gentlemen who were present, and 
the miserable being was in a short time burnt to 
ashes. 



PRACTICAL SLAVERY. 87 

" This is the second negro who has been thus 
burnt to death, without judge or jury in that county." 

On the 28th of A])ril,"l836, a negro was burnt 
alive at St. Louis by a numerous mob. The Ahon 
Telegrapii gives the following particulars : — 

"All was silent as death. "While the execution- 
ers were piling wood around the victim he snid not 
a word. Piobably fceling that the flames had seiz- 
ed upon him, he uttered an awful howl, attempting 
to sing and pray : he then hung his head and suffer- 
ed in silence, excepting in the (bllowing instance. 
After the flames had surrounded their prey, and 
when his clothes were in a blaze all over him, his eyes 
burnt out of his head, and his mouth seemingly 
parched to a cinder, some one in the crowd, more 
compassionate than the rest, proposed to put an end 
to his misery by shooting liim, wl)en it was replied, 
that would be of no use, since he was already out 
of pain. ' No ! no !' said the wretch, ' I am not — 
I am sufl>!ring as much as ever. Shoot me, shoot 
me !' No, no, said one of his friends, who was 
standing about the sacrifice they were roasting, he 
shall not be shot. I would sooner slacken the fire 
if that would increase his misery. And the man who 
said this v/as, we understand, an officer of justice." 

" We understand, " says the New Orleans Post 
of June the 7th, 1836, " that a negro man was late- 
ly condemned by the mob to be BUR^'ED over a 
SLOW FIRE, which was put into execution at Grand 
Gulf, Mi., for murdering a black woman and her 
master, Mr. Green, a respectable citizen of that 
place, who attempted to save her from the clutches 
of this monster." 



88 IW3IEDIATE E.MANCIPATION. 

"We have been informed," says the Arkansas 
Gazette, of tlie 29th Oct., 1336, ''Mhat the slave 
William, who murdered his muster (Huskey) some 
weeks since, and several negroes, was taken by a 
party a few days since from tlie SherifTof Huispring 
and BURNED ALIVE ! Yes, tied up to tiie limb of a 
tree, a fire built under him and consumed in a slow 
and lingering torture." 

But it would far transcend \\\e proper limits of this 
little work to give a thousandth part of the facts 
which might be adduced urider this head. The fore- 
going, however, are sufiicient to show the reader 
what American slavery is in the concrete, — the 
wrongs which millions of our countrymen are lia- 
ble to be doomed to suffer every day, without any 
redress, or even the privilege of complaining. 

" Let sorrow bathe each blushing cheek, 
Bend piteous o'er the tortured slave, 

Whose wrongs compassion cannot speak, 
Whose only refuge is the grave." 



CHAPTER XI. 
IMMEDIATE EMANCIPATION. 

We mean by this, 

1. That the slave owner, so far as he is person. 
ally concerned, sliould cease immediately to hold or 
to use human beings as his property. And is there 
one slave owner in this nation who cannot do this ? 
If there be one, then he must be set down as non 



IMMEDIATE EMANCIPATION. 89 

compos mentis, or an idiot. Every intelligent be- 
ing in the universe of God, can do right; and no 
man in the world can be compelled by law, or cir- 
cumstances, to do wrong. 

2. That the mas'er, so far as he is personally 
concerned, should imme'diately offer to etnploy those 
whom he has held as his property, as free hired la- 
borers ; he should not turn them loose upon society, 
uncared for and unprotected, but he should treat 
them as men, and give them the liberty of choice, 
whether to remain in his employ at fair wages, 
or not. 

3. So far as the State is concerned, it should an- 
nihilate the light of man to hold man as property ; 
and all who are now slaves should be immediately 
bronght under the protec/ion and restraint of suita- 
ble and impartial laws. But the want of action on 
the part of any State govern mt'nt, should not and 
need not hinder any one from doing his duty as 
above described, any more than the want of laws in 
Massachusetts should hinder any one from ceasing 
to manufacture and use intoxicating liquors. Laws 
will b'i enacted for the suppression of intemperance 
in each of the States, just as soon as the habits of 
the people and public opinion call for them ; nor in- 
deed would they be of much use, were they to be 
enacted before this ; and just so with regard to 
slavery^ when the habits of the people, and public 
opinion are sufficiently set against the sin of slave- 
holding, the States where slavery exists will com- 
mence legislation upon the subject. 



8* 



90 EXPLANATION. 

CHAPTER XII. 

EXPLANATION. 

" Emancipation from slavery does not confer the 
tight of suffrage, but we contend that colored per^ 
sons should be allowed its extu'cise, as soon as they 
possess the qualifications required of other citizens* 
They should also be aided and countenanced in.theii' 
endeavors, by moral and intellectual culture, to be- 
come respectable and useful members of society. 

We do not ask that they shall be harrassed, and 
the country burdened by an oppressive and vexa- 
tious system of apprenticeship for grown men, a^ 
in Jamaica— but that tliey shall be employed as free' 
laborers and paid equal and just wages, as in Ber- 
muda and Antigua, where they are nidustrious and' 
happy, and their employer safe and prosperous. 

By the abolition of slavery we mean simply the 
repeal of the iniquitous slave code — ihe abolition of 
the unrighteous things wherein slavery consists — 
the restoration of men from the condition of 'chat- 
tels ' to the condition of rational beings. If there 
are any reasons why this abolition should not take 
place 710W, they are reasons which will be equally 
valid, in a\\ future time. And they are reasons 
urged against ihe inalienable rights of man, and 
the immutahle laws of God P^^-^R, I. A» Slavery 
Contention, 



SAFETY OF IMaiEDIATE EMANCIPATION. 9l 



C HA PTER XIII. 

FA.CTS DEMONSTRATING THE SAFETY OF 

IMMEDIATE AND UNCONDITIONAL 

EMANCIPATION. 

" To say that immediate emancipation is not safe, 
is to say that it is not sale for human beings to obey 
Iheir Creator. 

To deny the safety of immediate emancipation, is 
to doubt the first principles of common sense — the 
■operations of moral cause and ttrect — and the tes^ 
timony of universal experience and history. The 
writings of Ciarkson and Stuart have triumphantly 
-established this point, and tlie world has been chal- 
lenged in vain to produce an instance of starvation 
•'Or bloodshed, in consequence of emancipation. 

To say that immediate emancipation is not safe, 
is to say that it is not safe for human beings to be 
.free ! It is to say, what the despots of all ages and 
nations have said, and still say — that the laboring 
classes of mankind -dvft incapable of self-government, 
and ought to be kept under the control of their su- 
.periors!" — R. I. A. Convention, 

St. Domingo. 

A civil war broke out in this Island, in June, 1793, 
'between the republicans and planters. The latter 
called in the aid of Great Britain ; upon which the 
republicans proclaimed immediate freedom to about 
•six hundred thousand slaves, and armed them 
'against their foes. No evil consequences followed ; 



92 SAFETY OF IMMEDIATE EMANCII'ATION. 

every thing went on prosperously till eight years af- 
terwards, when the French planters atiempled to se- 
duce the blacks again to slavery. 

Gaudaloupe. 

In 1794, eighty-five thousand slaves were set free 
in this Island, whei-e there was a population of on- 
ly thirteen thousand whites. No disasters followed. 

Republic of Columbia. 

All the slaves who had fought for this republic 
were emancipated in 1821. 

Slavery was abolished in Mexico in 1^29. No 
insurrections followed as the consequence. 

Cape Colony, 

Thirty thousand Hottentots were emancipated 
here in 1823, with peifcct safety. 

British West Indies. 

It wouM much exceed our limits to give a minute 
account of emancipation in each of these islands. 
On the 1st of Aug. 1834, the British Parliament 
emancipated eight hundred thousand slaves in the 
dependencies of that government. In each of 
the islands except Antigua and Bermuda, a system 
of apprenticeship was adopted ; but in these, ihu'ty- 
four thousand six hundred and fifty slaves were set 
instantly and unconditionally free, and not the slight- 
est difBculty has followed. 

In the other islands, which adopted a gradual sys- 
tern of emancipation, tlie slaves have not done as 



Si\FETY OF IMMSDIATE EMANCIPATION. 92f 

Well as those who were set unconditionally fj-ee, but 
in no island has any thing occurred to confirm the 
fears entertained by the slaveliolders on setting their 
slaves free. And hence we may boldly affirm, that 
the experiment which has now been tried for three 
years in the West India Islands, demonstrates to 
the civilized world, the duty, and safety of immedi- 
ate, unconditional, and universal emancipation. 

Testimony of twenty-four Wesleyan Missionaries* 

" Resoluthns 'passed at a meeting of the Wesley 
an Missionaries of the Antigua District, assem- 
hled at St. Johns, Antigua, Feb. 7, 1837. 

1. That the emancipation of the slaves of the 
West Indies, while it was an act of undoubted jus- 
tice to that oppressed people, has operated most fa- 
vorably in furthering the triumphs of the gospel, by 
removing one prolific source of unmerited suspicion 
of religious teachers, and thus opening a door to 
their more extensive labors and usefulness — by fur- 
nishing a greater portion of time for the service of 
the negro, and thus preventing the continuance of 
unavoidable Sabbath desecrations, in labor and ne- 
glect of the means of grace — and in its operations 
as a stimulus to proprietors and other influential 
gentlemen, to encourage religious education and 
the wide dissemination of the Scriptures, as an in- 
centive to industry and good order. 

2. That while the above statements are true w^th 
reference to all the islands, even where the system of 
apprenticeship prevails, they are especially applica- 
ble to Antigua, where the results of the great mea- 
sure of entire f re edo7n, so humanely and judiciously 



94 DANGER OF CONTINUED SLAVEKT. 

granted by the legislature, cannot be contemplated 
witlioLit the mosr devout thank.sgiv:ni;s to Almighty 
God. (Signed) .tames cox, Chairman, 

And livenly-four others. 



CHAPTER XIV. 

FACTS DEMONSRTATING THE DANGER OF 
CONTINUED SLAVERY. 

1712. Insurrection in New York. 

1. In 1712, a plot was formed by a number of 
slaves hi New York, to obtain their liberty by mas- 
sacreing the wdiites. They killed a number of per- 
sons, and eighteen of them were put to death for re- 
bellion. 

1720. Murder in South Carolina. 

2. A Mr. Cottle, a negro boy, and a white wo- 
man, were murdered, in South Carolina, in 1720. 
Three slaves suffered death as the consequence. 

1728. Insurrection iu SaAannah, 

8. An insurrection in Savannah, Ga., in 1728, 
by the slaves. They were tired upon twice. Their 
design was to destroy all the whites in order to ob- 
tain their liberty. 

1729. Insurrection in Antigua. 

4. A plot was formed \n 1729, by the slaves in 
Antigua, to destroy the whites. Three of the con- 
spirators were taken and burnt alive. 



DANGER OF CONTINUED SLAVERY. 95 

1730. Insurrection in Virginia. 

5. An insurrection of the slaves occurred in Vir- 
ginia, in 1730. Five counties were in arms with 
orders to kill all the blacks who refused to submit. 

1730. Insurrection in South Carolina. 

6. In August of ihe same year the slaves in South 
Carolina, conspired to destroy all the whites, in or- 
der to obtain their liberiy. 

1731. Murder on shipboard. 

7. In J 731, three of the crew of a Capt. Scott, 
of R. I. were murdered on board the ship in which 
they were returning from Guinea with a cargo of 
slaves. 

1732. Murder on shipboard. 

8. The next year a Capt. Major of N. H., was 
murdered with the whole of his crew, by the slaves 
which he had on board. 

1734. Insurrection in Pennsylvania. 

9. In 1734, an insurrection broke out among the 
slaves in Burlington, Pa. 

1735. Ship Dolphin blown up. 

10. The ship Dolphin, of London, was blown up 
in 1735, by the slaves on board : the whole on board 
perished. 

1739. Three Insurrections in South Carolina. 

11. Three bloody insurrections occurred in S. 
Carolina, in they^ar 1739, In one of them which 



OS DANGER OF CONTINUED SLAVERY. 

took place in September, twenty-five whites and 
thirty-four slaves were killed, and others gibbetted 
alive. 

1740. Insurrection in South Carolina. 

12. The next year anotlier insurrection occur- 
red in the same place, and twenty persons were 
killed. 

1741. Dreadful insurrection in Ncav York. 

13. In 1741, a dreadful insurrection broke out 
amonii the slaves in the state of New York. Of the 
conspirators, tliirteen we-e burned alive, eighteen 
hung, and eighty colonized, in the West Indies. 

1747. Murders committed on shipboard. 

14. In 1747, the Captain and all the crew, ex- 
cept two. of a slave ship belonging to R. Island, 
were murdered by the slaves on board. Their de- 
sire was freedom. 

1754. Two women burned alive in South Carolina. 

15. In June, 1754, two women were burnt alive 
in Charleston, S. C, for setting fire to a building. 
Their object was to ob'.ain their freedom. 

1755. Two ni?n put to death in Massachusetts. 

16. In September, 1755, two slaves were put to 
death in Cambridge, Mass., for poisoning their mas* 
ter, in order to get their freedom. 



DANGER OF CONTINUED SLAVERY. 97 

1761. Insurrection in Jamaica. 

17. In October, 1761, an insurrection took place 
among the slaves in Jamaica. We have heard of 
no insurrection in that island since the slaves were 
setjree. 

1761. Insurrection in Bermuda. 

18. The same year the slaves in Bermuda, re- 
belled, and threatened to destroy all their masters. 
Two of the conspirators were put to death : one was 
hanged, and one burnt alive, 

1761. Murders on shipboard. 

19. Forty slaves were killed on board an ensla- 
ver, commanded by Capt. Nichols of Boston, Mass., 
in 1761. 

1791. Horrors of St. Domingo. 

20. The horrors of St. Domingo are often refer- 
red to. But the great massacres, v/hich make so 
frightful a picture in the history of this island, oc- 
curred in 1791 and 92, before the emancipation of 
the slaves had been even contemplated ; and these 
were caused by the planters and not by the slaves. 
The sudden emancipation of five hundred thousand 
slaves, in this island, put an end to the civil war 
which had been raging with dreadful fury for more 
than two years. " The Colony," says Lacroix, 
" marched as by enchantment towards its ancient 
splendor ; cultivation prospered ; and every day 
produced perceptible proof of its progress. The 
blacks were peaceable, the colony flourished and no 
evil consequences followed emancipation, till eight 
vears after when Bounaparte attempted to reduce the 

9 



98 DANGER OF CONTINUED SLAVERY. 

blacks again to a state of slavery." Then it was 
that the scenes of carnage and bloodshed f illowfd, 
on the account of which we are so frequently told 
to " look to St. Domingo ;" and this, too, when eve- 
ry person acquainted with its history knows that 
those scenes were caused by a cruel attempt to re- 
duce free men to a state of slavery. 

1823. Thirty-five persons put to death in S. C. 

21. In July, 1822, thirty-five slaves were put 'to 
death in S. C. for an atteuipt to gain tht^ir liberty. 

1825. A man burned alive in S. Caro ina. 

22. A negro slave named William, is stated in 
a S. C. paper to have been burned alive near Green- 
ville, S C , for the murder of a while man. — PhiL 
Gaz., Aug. 1825. 

23. In 1826, sixty slaves were put to death in 
Newbern, S. C. foi the same cause. 

1831. Insurrection at Southampton, Va. 

24. The insurrection in Southampton county, 
Va., is remembered, probably by the most of my 
readers. It occurred in 1831, and was headed by 
Nat. Turner, a slave, and member of the Baptist 
church. Upwards of sixty-four persons lost their 
lives in that dreadful commotion. 

The following was narrated by the Rev. M. Bt 
Cox, late Missionary to Liberia, soon after the even 
occurred : 

Immediately after the insurrection above named, 
a slaveholder went into the woods, in quest of some 



DANGER OF CONTINUED SLAVERY, 99 

of the insurgents, accompanied by a faithful slave, 
who had been the means of saving his life in time of 
the massacre. When they had been some time in 
the woods, the slave hairded his musket to his mas- 
ter, informing him at the same time, that he could 
not live a slave any longer, and requested him either 
to set him free or shoot him on the spot. The mus- 
ter took the gun from the hands of the slave, levell- 
ed it at his breast, and shot the faithful negro through 
the heart. 

Summary of events in 1832*^ 

25. The following occurrences are set down to 
the credit of slavery for the year 1832, Could one 
half the evils here enumerated, be traced to an in- 
stance of general and immediate emancipation, it 
would be thought abundantly sufficient to decide the 
question between us and our opponents. 

William, a slave in Charleston, S. C. executed 
for wounding two white men. 

A runaway slave, to prevent being arrested, 
drowned himself at New Orleans. 

Mulatto man Philip, hung at the South for the mur- 
der of Mis. Fayat. 

The slave of R. Felton, Esq. of N. C. murdered 
by another slave. 

Two slaves hung at Petersburg, Va., for breaking 
open a counting room. 

Thre« slaves hung in Rowan Co. N. C. — New. 
ton and Daniel, for burning a l)arn and five horses, 
and Charles for drowning a child of Alexander Nee- 
ly, 2 years old. 



100 DANGER OF CONTINUED SLAVERY. 

Discovery of a conspiracy amongst the slaves of 
Martinique, having for its object the destruction of 
the while inhabitants of that island. 

A Mrs. Marks, a \vido^v, Hving near Claiborne, 
Alabama, murdered by her own slave. 

A runaway slave hung at Charleston, S. C. for 
murdering Prince, a slave belonging to Col. Hunt 
by whipping him to death. 

The overseer of a plantation in the island of San- 
ta Cruz, called Golden Grove, belonging to a citizen 
of Boston, murdered by three slaves for violating 
the chastity of their wives. The slavesshot like dogs. 

A runaway slave, belonging to a Mr. Walker, of 
Perry county, Alabama, caught, tied to ahorse, and 
run to death, by his master. 

A slave about to be separated from his wife and 
children, threw himself from a steam-boat into the 
Ohio river, and was drowned. 

A Mr. Coleman murdered at the South by two of 
his own slaves. 

More than fifty persons at Bishopsville, S. C. be- 
longing to the Union Party, poisoned at a celebra- 
tion on the 4th of July, by the cook infusing arsen- 
ic into the food. None died. The instigator of this 
foul deed, a slave, hung. 

John Puryear, a planter, living in Athens, Ga., 
murdered his overseer. 

A Miss Denton murdered by a slave near Lan- 
casterville, S. C. 

A Mr. Murphy killed in Florence, Alabama, by a 
slave, for chastising the wife of the slave in his pre- 
sence. Slave hung. 

Andrew Young, and his wife, of Montgomery 



DANGER OF CONTINUED SLAVERY. 101 

county, Alabama, both murdered in a shocking 
manner by one of their slaves. 

Three slave vessels captured by British cruisers, 
v/hich had originally 1100 slaves on board, but of 
which they succeeded in taking only 306 lo Sierra 
Leone. The kidnappers threw overboard 180 
slaves, manacled together, four of whom only were 
picked up. 

A conspiracy discovered among the slaves in Fa- 
yetteville, Tennessee. Their object,' it was said, was 
to set fire to some building, and amidst the confu- 
sion of the citizens, to seize as many guns and im- 
plements of destraction as they could procure, and 
commence a general massacre. — Many of them 
suffered horrible punishiTients. 

Another conspiracy discovered among two gold 
mining companies of slaves in North Carolina. 
Their plan was to commence at the gold mines, 
and kill all the whites there : thence one company 
was to go to Rutherfordton, the other to Morgan, 
ton, and take the towns. There they expected to 
get arms and ammunition to carry on their opera- 
tions. 

A female slave hung in Norfolk for poisoning two 
colored women. 

Henry Isbell, of Bean Creek, Fairfield District, 
S. C. on receiving doubtful information that two 
runaway slaves were in the lane leadingto his house, 
in the evening, went forth with his gun and dogs to 
destroy them. He deliberately fired at one of 
them, and killed him. Instead ot a slave, the 
victim proved to be a friend and neighbor of the 
murderer ! 

9* 



102 U:<ITED STATES 

A colored man, named Thomas Mitchell, who had 
resided as a freeman two or three years in Ohio, on 
being seized by his master, precipitated himself from 
the fourth story of one of the hotels in Cincinnati, 
in which he had been put for safe keeping, and ex- 
pired in a few hours. 

A general insurrection of the slave in Jamaica. 
One hundred and fifiy plantations were burnt, be- 
tween two and three thousand slaves killed, and a 
large number of whites; and the whole loss occa- 
sioned by the rebellion and attempts to suppress it, 
valued at Jive millions of dollars. 

But it were useless to multiply facts of this kind. 
The re?der is referred for further information upon 
this subject to Holme's Annals, and also to Lec- 
tures on slavery by P^ev. A. A. Phelps. 

The above must be sufficient to convince any 
mind susceptible of conviction, that the greatest dan- 
ger arises, not from freedom granted, but from free- 
dom withheld. 



CHAPTER XV . 

THE U. STATES A SLAVEHOLDING NATION. 

Thousands of Americans now enslaved in the 
United States. 

1. More than twenty thousand Americans are 
now held in slavery, by the laws of Congress, in the 
Territories and District of Columbia. 



A SLAVEHOLDING NATION. 103 

On the 23d December, 1788, Maryland passed 
an act, to cede to the Congress "any district 
in the State, not exceeding ten nniles square, 
which the Congress may fix upon, and accept for 
the seat of government of the United States." 

A similar act was passed by Virginia, on the 3d 
of December, 1789, in these words — 

"And the same is hereby forever ceded to the 
Congress and Government of the United States, in 
Jull and absolute right, and exclusive jurisdiction 
as well of soil as of persons residing or to reside 
thereon, pursuant to the tenor and effect of the 
eighth section of the first article of the Constitution." 

Accordingly, on the 16th of July, the year fol- 
lowing, Congress accepted the cession of Maryland 
and Virginia, and passed a law which ordained, that 
the existing laws of those two States should remain 
in force "until Congress shall otherwise provide." 

Hence, by that very act. Congress established 
slavery in the " ten miles square," because it not 
only refused to revoke those laws of Maryland and 
Virginia, by which slavery had been established 
there before, but it ordained that they should remain 
in force till Congress should repeal them. The 
following is an extract from one of these laws ; it is 
true, it has been repealed in Maryland, but it 
" remains" in full force in the District of Columbia 
to this day : 

" Every sheriflT that now hath, or hereafter shall 
have, committed into his custody, any runaway 
servants or slaves, after one month's notice given to 
the master or owner thereof, of their being in his 
custody, if living in this province, or two months' 



104 UNITED STATES 

notice if living in any of the neighboring provinces, 
if such mastJTor owner of such servants or slaves 
do not appear within the time limited as aforesaid, 
and pay or secure to be paid, all such imprisonment 
fees due to such sheriff from the. time of the com- 
mitment of such servants or slaves, and also such 
other charges as have accrued or become due to 
any person for taking up such runaway servants or 
slaves, such sheriff is hereby authorized and required 
(such time limited as aforesaid, being expired,) im- 
mediately to give public notice to all persons, by 
setting up notes at the church and court-house doors 
of the county where such servant or slave is in 
custody ; of the time and place for sale of such 
servants or slaves, by him to be appointed, not less 
than 10 days aller such time limited as aforesaid 
being expired, and at such time and place by him 
appointed, as aforesaid, to 'proceed to sell and dis- 
pose of such servant or slave to the highest bidder, 
and out of the money or tobacco which such servant 
or slave is sold for, to pay him^e/f all such impris- 
onment FEES as are his just due, for the time he 
has kept such servant or slave in his custody, and 
also pay such other charges, fees or reward as has 
become due to any person for taking up such 
runaway servant or slave, and after su-'h payments 
made, if any residue shall remain of the money or to- 
bacco such servant or slave was sold for, such sheriff 
shall only be accountable to the master or owner of 
such servant or slave for such residue or remainder 
as aforesaid and not otherwise." — Laws of Mary, 
land, act of 1719, {May session,) chap, 2. 

And that-this barbarous law is not a dead letter, 



A SLAVEHOLDING NATION. 105 

there is abundant evidence to prove. In a memo- 
rial of the inhabitants of the District of Cohimbia, 
signed by one thousand of the most respectable citi- 
zens of the District, and presented to Congress 
iVlarch 24, 1828, then referred to the Committee on 
the District, and on the motion of Mr. Hubbard of 
New Hampshire, February 9, 1835, ordered to be 
printed, the following statement is introduced : 

" A colored man, who states that he was entitled 
to freedom, was taken up as a runaway slave, and 
lodged in the jail of Washington City. He was ad- 
vertised, but no one appearing to claim him, he was, 
according to law, put up at public auction for the 
payment of his jail fees, and SOLD as a SLAVE 
for LIFE. He was purchased by a slave-trader, 
who was not required to give security for his re- 
maining in the District, and he was soon shipped at 
Alexandria for one of the southern states. An at- 
tempt was made by some benevolent individuals to 
have the sale postponed until his claim to freedom 
could be investigated ; but their efforts were una- 
vailing ; and thus was a human being SOLD into 
PERPETUAL BONDAGE, at the capital of the 
freest government on earth, without even a pre- 
tence of trial, or an allegation of crime." 

According to the testimony of Mr. Miner of Penn. 
in Congress, in 1829, there were no less than five 
persons thus sold, in the year 1826-7. 

Special recogaition of slavery in the District of 
Columbia. 

2. Slavery in the District of Columbia, has been 
acknowledged, and its existence recognized there 
by special laws of the United States. 



106 UNITED STATES 

June 12, 1834, a bill was passed by the House of 
Representatives, <?iving tlie right to Edward Brooke, 
a resident of the District, to bring into it two slaves, 
and retain them as his property. This bill passed 
by a vote of 106 to 47. 

Slavery perpetuated by the property of the United 
States. 

3. The property of the United States' Govern- 
ment is used to perpetuate slavery, and the slave 
trade in this country. In 1826 Congress appropri- 
ated out of the public treasury S5000 " for the pur- 
pose of altering and repairing the jail in the city of 
Washington," and $10,000 to build " a county jail 
for the city and county of Alexandria." 

For what purposes these prisons are used, thefoU 
lowhig notices will show : — 
Notice. 
" Was committed to the prison of Washington 
Co. D. C, on the 19th day of May, 1834, as a run- 
away, a negro man who calls himself David Peck. 
He is 5 feet 8 inches high. Had on, when com- 
mitted, a check shirt, linen pantaloons, and straw 
hat. He snys he is free ,and belongs to Baltimore. 
The owner or owners, are hercjby requested to come 
forward, prove him, and take him away, or he will 
he sold for Imprison and other expenses, as the law 

DIRECTS. JAMES WILLIAMS, 

Keeper of the Prison of Washin/ofon Co., D. C. 

For ALEXANDER HUNTER, M. D. C 

The above is but a specimen. One keeper of 
the jail in Washington has staled that in five years, 
upwards o^four hundred and fifty colored persons 



A slaVeholding nation. 107 

had been lodged there for safe keeping, i. e. until 
they could be disposed of in the course of the slave 
trade ; — besides nearly three hundred, who had been 
taken up and lodged there as runaways. 

Revenue received by the General Government 
fiom Slavery. 

4. The government of this nation receives a con- 
stant revenue, for licenses granted to slave dealers 
in Ihe District of Columbia. 

" For a license 1o trade or traffic in slaves for pro- 
fit, whether as agent or otherwis", /bwr hundred dol- 
lars ;" — The Register to " deposit all monies re- 
ceived from taxes imposed by this act to the credit 
of the Canal Fund." — City Laws, p. 249. Approved 
by Congress, July, 1831. 

Internal slave trade tolerated by Congress. 

5. Congress has " power to regulate commerce 
between the states," and consequenlly it has con- 
trol of the domestic slave trade, which is constant- 
ly producing such an awful amount of misery, and 
yet it refuses to abolish this nefarious traffic. — Con- 
stitution U. States, Art. 1, Sec, 8. 

Slavery is protected by the United States' Army* 

6. An officer of the United States' army who was 
in the expedition from fortress Monroe, against the 
Sowthampton slaves, in 1831, speaks with constant 
horror of the scenes which he was compelled to wit- 
ness. Those troops, agreeably to their orders.- 
which were to exterminate the negroes, killed all 
that they met with, although they encountered nei- 



108 UNITED STATES. 

ther resistance, nor show of resistance ; and the 
first check given to this wide barbarous slaughter 
grew out of the fact, that the law of Virginia, which 
provides for the payment to the master of the full 
value of an executed slave, was considered as not 
applying to the cases- of slaves put to death without 
trial. In consequence of numerous representations 
to this effect, sent to the officer of the United States' 
army, commanding the expedition, the massacre was 
suspended." — Child's Oration. 

In 1632, a company ofU. S. troops were order- 
ed to Newbern, N. C. to keep the slaves in awe, at 
the request of many ladies made to the President. 

Free-born Americans reduced to slavery by the 
United States' laws. 

7. Laws are now in force, enacted by Congress 
by \\\\\q\\ free-horn citizens of this republic are re- 
duced to slavery. 

In 1820, " the Senate and House of Repressenta- 
tives of the United States of America in Congress as- 
sembled," empowered the corporation of the city of 
Washington " to prescribe the terms and conditions 
upon which free negroes and mulattos may reside 
in the city." On this authority, in May, 1827, that 
corporation enacted that " every free negro or mu- 
latto, whether male or female, who may come to the 
city of Washington to reside, shall within thirty days, 
exhibit to the Mayor satisfactory evidence of his or 
her tide to freedom to be recorded, and shall enter 
into bonds, with two freehold sureties, in the penal- 
ty of $500, conditioned on his or her good conduct, 
that they will not become chargeable to the corpo- 



A SLAVEHOLDING NATION. 109 

ration for the space of twelve months" — the bond 
" to be renewed every year for three years. On 
failure of this, he or she must depart the city or be 
committed to the workhouse not exceeding tioelve 
months in any one imprisoHment." " And all ne- 
groes found residing in the city after the passage of 
this act who shall not be able to establish their tide to 
freedom (except such as may be hired) shall be com- 
mitted to the jail, as absconding slaves." 

By this lavv color is made a crime, which first robs 
citizens of their constitutional as well as inalienable 
rights, and is then taken as evidence that they are 
slaves ; and th'jn to crown all, a large posse of offi- 
cers, some of them in the pay of government, are 
" charged " with the execution of the laws, and 
*' forfeit and pay for every neglect or failure a fine 
not exceeding twenty dollars." — City Laws, p. 198. 

The result is that free citizens are often arrested, 
plunged into prison, and then sold for their jail fees 
as slaves for hfe. 

This nation a/lords no protection to fugitive 
slaves* 

8. Because no state in this Union afTords protec- 
tion to any slave who may escape to its limits, for 
defence against the cruel hand of the southern op- 
pressor. In every one of the "free states," as 
they are called, fugitives from the " vilest slavery 
that ever saw the sun," are liable to be seized by 
any ruthless white monster, and without a trial by 
jury, or any trial at all, to be dragged off to the 
South, and reduced again to a state of interminable 
bondage. 

10 



110 UNITED STATES 

Slave states admitted into the Union. 

9. Congress has admitted a number of slave 
stales into the Union, without imposing any restric- 
tion upon the subject of slavery. 

Colored foreigners. 

10. The laws of the federal government prohi- 
bit foreigners who are colored, from becoming na- 
turalized citizens of the United States. 

United States' Mail. 

11. The laws of the federal government prohi- 
bit colored Americans from carrying the United 

States' Mail. 

Militia. 

12. The same laws prohibit colored Americans 
from being enrolled in the militia. 

The entire nation responsible. 

13. This nation must be considered a slave- 
holding nation, while Congress, composed of Sena- 
tors and Representatives from all the States in the 
Union, possesses the power to abolish slavery in its 
capital, and refuses to exercise it. 

'• The Congress shall have power to exercise ex- 
clusive legislation in all cases whatsoever, over such 
district, (not exceeding ten miles square) as may, 
by cession of particular states, and the acceptance 
of Congress, become the seat of government of the 
United States." — Constitution U. Stales, Art, 1st, 
Sec. 8. 



A SLAVEHOLDI^-G NATION. Ill 

The houor and good faith of this nation are 
pledged upon this subject. 

14. This nation will be considered, by the civil- 
ized world, a slavehoMing nation, while it refuses 
to redeem its pledge, made in the treaty of Ghent 
to do all in its power to " abolish entirely" the iraf. 
Jic in slavery.^' — See Chap. xx. page 145. 

£normous and disgraceful abuses tolerated by 
this nation in its capital. 

The following facts are set forth in the preamble 
to some resolutions, introduced to the House of Re- 
presentatives, in 1829, by Mr. Miner, of Pa. 

'• Whereas the laws in respect to slavery within 
the District have been almost entirely neglected ; 
from which neglect, for nearly 30 year.?, have grown 
numerous and gross corruptions. 

Slave dealers gaining confidence from impunity, 
have made the seat of federal government their 
head quarters for carrying on the domestic slave 
trade. 

Tiie public prisons have been extensively used, 
(perverted from the purposes for which they were 
erected,) for carrying on the domestic slave trade. 

Officers of the federal government have been em- 
ployed, and derive emoluments from carrying or* 
the domestic slave trade. 

Private and secret prisons exist in the district for 
carrying on the traffic in human beings. 

The trade is not confined to those who are slaves 
for life ; but persons having a limited time to serve, 
are bought by the slave dealers, and sent v/here 
redress is hopeless. 



112 UNITED STATES 

Others are kidnapped and hurried away before 
they can be rescued. 

Instances of death, from the anguish of despair, 
exhibited in the District, mark the cruehy of this 
traffic. 

Instances of maiming and suicide, executed or at- 
tempted, have been exhibited, growing out of this 
traffic within the District. 

Free persons of color coming into the District, 
are hable to arrest, imprisonment, and sold into sla- 
very for life, for jail fees, if unable, from ignorance, 
misfortune, or fraud, to prove their freedom. 

Advertisements beginning, ' We will give cash 
for one hundred hkely young negroes of boih sex- 
es, from eight to twenty-five years old,' contained 
in the public prints of the city, under the notice of 
Congress, indicate the openness and extent of the 
traffic. 

Scenes of human beings exposed at public ven- 
due are exhibited here, permitted by the laws of the 
general government. 

A grand jury of the district has presented the 
slave trade as a grievance. 

A writer in a public print in the District has set 
forth ' that to those who have never seen a spectacle 
of the kind (exhibited by the slave trade) no descrip- 
tion can give an adequate idea of its horrors.' 

To such an extent had this trade been carried in 
1816, that a member of Congress from Virginia in- 
troduced a resolution in the House, * That a com- 
mittee be appointed to inquire into the existence of 
an mhu7nan and illegal traffic in slaves carried on in 
and through the District of Columbia, and report 



REASONS FOR DISCUSSING, &C. 113 

"whether any, and what measures are necessary for 
putting a stop to the same.' " 



C HAPTER XVI. 

•REASONS FOR DISCUSSING THE SUBJECT 
OF SLAVERY AT THE NORTH. 

1. Because it is American slavery. 

2. Because the North contributes its share to- 
wards its support. 

(1.) lis money in building prisons in the District 
of Columbia, where slavtjs are kept. 

(2.) lis representatives and senators in Congress 
who virlually vote for its continuance. 

(3.) Its portion of men, christians and ministers 
of the gospel, who go to the South and become 
.slavehold(;rs. 

3. We are obligated by the United States' laws 
to deliver up slaves who escape to us for refuge. 

4. Because northern blood is liable to be spilt in 
case of insurrection at the South. 

5. Because the slaveholding principle exists at 
the North, as really as at the South. The continu- 
ance of the system is justified here by Christians 
and ministers, on the same ground, on which it is 
justified there, by the slaveholders themselves. 

6. We discuss this subject at the North, because 
as long as slavery exists in this nation our own lib- 
erties are insecure. See the case of Dr. Crandall, a 
•citizen of N. York, who was incarcerated in Wash- 

10* 



114 AMERICAN SLAVE TRADE. 

ington jail, for eight months, merely on suspicion 
of his being an abolitionist. Other citizens from 
the North have, by simply venturing to the South, 
lost both their liberty and their lives. 

7. Because it is our right and privilege to discuss 
this question. The United States and the State in 
which we live, have guaranteed to us the freedom 
of speech, and of the press. 

8. Because God has commanded his servants to 
open their mouths for such as cannot plead for them- 
selves. 

9 Because to neglect this subject would endan- 
ger the salvation of millions of souls, for whom 
Christ died. 

10. Because slavery is a reproach to the nation 
which every lover of his country should be anxious 
to do away. 

11. Because we should do, as we would be 
done by. 

12. Because, without discussion, slavery will 
never be abolished, and it must be discussed iiere or 
no where, in the nation. 



CHAPTER IVII. 

AMERICAN SLAVE TRADE. 

The following items may serve as specimens to 
show the reader how Americans in this republic are 
bought and sold. 



■ AMERICAN SLATE TRADE. 115 

Specimen of a New Orleans advertisement. 

When you ask emancipation for slaves like those 
described below, we are told, that they could not 
take care of themselves, and if emancipated, they 
would starve to death ! 

" Valuable Servants for sale at auction, by Isaac 
L. M'Coy. 

<« This day, Thursday, 21th inst., at 12 o'clock, 
at the Exchange Coffee House, will be sold 34 val- 
uable Servants, viz: 

1. Harry, aged about 26 years ; a first rate cart- 
man, axeman and sawyer ; has been accustomed to 
work in a saw-mill and wood yard ; has been about 
8 years in the country, and understands the care 
afid management of horses, and possesses an ex- 
cellent character. 

2. George, aged about 23 years ; has been about 
8 years in the country ; is a good carter and axe- 
man, and has been accustomed to work in a wood- 
yard and bakery. 

3. Altimore, aged about 21 ysars ; a first rate 
sawyer and axeman ; accustomed to work in a 
wood-yard, has been 3 or 4 years in the country. 

4. Barney, aged about 18 years; a first rate ne- 
gro, and handy at almost all kinds of work ; has 
been accustomed to work in a wood-yard, and has 
been about 4 years in the country. 

5. Henry Buckner, aged about 29 years ; a good 
axeman, sawyer and field hand, accustomed to 
work in a wood-yard, and has been about 6 years 
in the country. 

6. Lewis, aged abput 20 years ; a first rate hand 



116 AMERICAN SLAVE TRADE. 

in a wood.yard, an excellent butcher, a good field 
hand ; speaks French and English, and has been 
about 10 years in the country. 

7. Sam Crumo, aged about 22 years ; a first rate 
hand in a wood-yard ; a carter; speaks French and 
English, and has been about twelve years in the 
country. 

8. Little Ned, aged about 18 years ; a good 
hand for a wood-yard ; has been one year in the 
country. 

9. Big Ned, aged about 22 years ; do. 
do. do. 

10. Ben, aged about 20 years ; do. 
do. do. 

11. Aaron, aged about 33 years ; a first rate 
hand for a wood-yard, in which he has been employ- 
ed for many years ; is an excellent cartman ; has 
been about 15 years in the country, and speaks both 
languages. 

12. Dick Jackson, aged about 25 years ; a good 
axeman and sawyer, and an excellent hand for a 
woodyard, to wiiich he is accustomed, and has been 
one year in the country. 

13. Dick Morgan, aged about 39 years ; a very 
honest, trusty servant : has acted as porter in a gro- 
eery store for several years, and has worked for 
several years in a rope walk and wood-yard ; is an 
excellent axeman and sawyer; has been in the coun- 
try since a child, and speaks French and English. 

14. Dillard, aged about 31 years ; a good cook, 
a good axeman and sawyer ; has worked about 4 
years in a wood-yard, and has been about 4 years 
in the countrv. 



AMERICAN SLAVE TRADE. IIT 

15. Charles Palmer, aged about 24 years ; accus- 
tomed to work in a wood-yard ; is a good axeman, 
carter and field hand, and has been about 4 years 
in the country. 

16. Daniel, aged about 18 years ; a first rate 
house servant ; is very trusty ; a tolerable good 
cook; has been raised in the cou^ntry ; speaks 
French and English, and possesses a first rate char- 
acter. 

17. Anthony, aged about 15 years ; a first rate 
house servant ; very trusty and active ; a good saw- 
yer ; has been raised in the country, and possesses 
a first rate character. 

18. Joseph, aged about 14 years ; a first rate ser- 
vant ; handy at all kinds of work ; has been accus- 
tomed to work in a wood-yard, and has been about 
2 years in the country. 

19. William, aged about 20 years ; a good rough 
carpenter ; a good coachman ; has been 5 years in 
the country ; speaks French and English, title only 
guaranteed. 

20. Ned, aged about 39 years ; a good carpen- 
ter and ostler ; has been about 4 years in the coun- 
try, and is subject to rheumatism. 

21. Robert, aged about 23 years ; a rough black- 
smith and carpenter ; handy at all kinds of work ; 
understands filing and setting saws, has been 8 years 
in the country, speaks French and English ; is a 
first rate servant, and possesses a first rale charac- 
ter in every respect. 

22. Peter, aged about 35 years ; is a first rate 
overseer, and has always been employed in that ca- 
pacity ; has been for 5 years in Opelousas, and 



118 AMERICAN SLAVE TRADE. 

about 4 years in New Orleans, is very honest and 
trusty, and a first rate servant in every respect. 

23. Diana, aged about 24 years ; (wife of Peter) 
a first rate house servant, washer, ironer and plai- 
ter ; a good cook ; has been 5 years in the coun- 
try ; spealvs French and Enghsh, and possesses a 
first rate character. 

24. Malinda, aged about 24 years ; a good house 
servant ; a tolerable good washer and ironer ; has 
been raised in the country ; and speaks both lan- 
guages. 

25. Chloe, aged about 18 years ; an excellent 
house servant; was born in Mobile ; has been about 
one year in New Orleans, and possesses an excel- 
lent character. 

26. Daphney, aged about 25 years ; a first rate 
cook, both in French and English style, and a good 
pastry cook ; was raised in Mississippi, has been 7 
years in New Orleans, and possesses an excellent 
character. 

27. Catharine, aged about 27 years, a good field 
hand ; was raised in the country ; speaks French, 
Spanish and English ; tide only guviranteed. 

ALSO, 
The following ORPHAN {!!) children, viz: 

28. John, aged about 12 years. 

29. James, aged about 11 years. 

30. David, aged about 9 years. 

31. Cyrus, aged about 9 years. They have 
been about 16 months in the country. 

32. Yellow Alex, aged about 8 years. 

33. Black Alex, aged about 8 years. 

34. Abraham, aged about 5 years. 



AMERICAN SLAVE TRADE. 11^ 

The slaves are all thoroughly acclimated, and, 
with the exceptions above stated, are all guaranteed 
against the diseases and vices prescribed by law. 

Terms. — One half of the purchase money paya- 
ble on the first of May, 1835, and one half on the 
first of May, 1336, for notes drawn and endorsed to 
the satisfaction of the seller, and secured by mort- 
gage until the final payment. The slaves will only 
be delivered after the acts are signed, and the notes 
delivered and approved. Bills of sale to be passed 
before W. Y. Lewis, Esq., Notary Public, at the 
expense of tne purchaser." 

Americans sold for the benefit of the Church, and 
to support tae cause of Missions. 

In the Charleston Courier of Feb. 12th, 1835, is 
the following : 

"FIELD NEGROES, ^2/ Thomcis Gadsden." 

" On Tuesday, the 17th instant, will be sold, at 
the North of the Exchange, at ten o'clock, a prime 
gang of ten negroes, accustomed to the culture of 
cotton and provisions, belonging to the indepen- 
dent CHURCH, in Christ^s Church Parish. * * 
* * * Feb. 6." 

Again — In the Emancipator of May 6, 1834, is 
the following, copied from a Savannah paper : 

" Bryan Superior Court. 
" Between John J. Maxwell, and others,"" 
Executors of Ann Pray, complainants, 

Mary Sleigh, and others. Devisees and [ 
Legatees, under the will of Ann Pray, 
defendants. J 



120 AMERICAN SLAVE TRADE. 

" A Bill, having been filed for the distribution of 
the estate of the Testatrix, Ann Pray, and it ap- 
pearing that among other legacies in her will, is the 
following, viz. a legacy of one fourth o^ certain ne- 
gro slaves to the American Board of Commissionera 
for Domestic [Foreign it probably should have 
been] Missions, for the 'purpose of sending ilie gos- 
pel to the heathen, and particularly to the Indians of 
this continent. It is on motion of the solicitors of 
the complainants ordered, that all persons claiming 
the said legacy, do appear and nnswerthe bill of the 
complainants, within four months from this day. 
And it is ordered, that this order be published in a 
public Gazette of the city of Savannah, and in one 
of the Gazettes of Philadelphia, once a month for 
four months. 

Extract from the minutes, Dec. 3d, 1832. 

dec. 8-4m John S.-^iith, c. s. c. b. c." 

Amercans sold for the benefit of Dr. Furman's 
heirs. 

We have already quoted the opinion of this Bap- 
tist Dr. on the subject of slavery, see page 66. 
" Notice. 

" On the first Monday of February next, will be 
put up at public auction before the court house, the 
following property, belonging to the estate of the late 
Rev. Dr. Furman, viz : — 

A plantation or tract of land on and in the Wa- 
teree Swamp, through which the road passes from 
Stateburg to Columbia, consisting of 2000 acres of 
land of the first class for cotton and corn, and the 
finest range for stock. 



AMERICAN SLAVE TRADE. 121 

A tract afterthe first quality office land, on the 
waters of Black River, within four miles of Sump- 
terville, from 600 to 800 acres. 

A lot of land in the town of Camden. 

A Library of a miscellaneous character, chief- 
ly Theological. 

27 Negroes. 

Some of them very prime. Two mules, one 
horse and old wagon. 

Conditions. — For the Wateree tract, one-sixth 
payable on the first of January, 1836, the balance 
in five equal instalments. For Black River land, 
one-hall on the first of Januarv, 1836, balance in 
12 months thereafter. For the Camdrn lot, a credit 
of 12 months. For the negroes, one-'na.K on the 
first of January, 1836, balance on the first of Janu- 
ary, 1837. For the other property, cdish, bonds or 
notes, with interest annually on the whole amount, 
with personal security, if required." 

Jan. 17, 1835. 

Manner of carrying on this traffic. 

" Those who are transported down the Mississip. 
pi river, are stowed away on the decks of steam- 
boats, males and females, old and young, usually 
chained, subject to the jeers and taunts of the pas- 
sengers and navigators, and often, by bribes, or 
threats, or the lash, made subject to abominations 
not to be named. On the same deck, you may see 
horses and human beings, tenants of the ?ame apart- 
ments, and going to supply the same market. The 
dumb beasts, being less manageable, are allowed the 
first place, while the human are forced into spare 
11 



122 AMERICAN SLAVE TRADE. 

corners and vacant places. My informant saw one 
trader, who was taking down to New Orleans one 
hundred horses, several sheep, and between fifty 
and sixty slaves. The sheep and the slaves occu- 
pied the same deck. Many interesting and intelli- 
gent females were of the number. And if I were 
satisfied that the columns of a newspaper was the 
proper place to publish it, I could tell facts concern- 
ing the brutal treatment exercised towards these 
defenceless females while on the downward passage, 
which ought to kindle up the hot indignation of eve- 
ry mother, and daughter, and sister in the land, 

"The slaves are taken down in companies, va- 
rying in number from 20 to 500. Men of capital 
are engaged in the traffic. Go into the principal 
towns on the Mississippi river, and you will find 
these negro traders in the bar-rooms, boastino- of 
their adroitness in driving human flesh, and describ- 
ing the process by which they can * tame doion ' the 
spirit of a ' refractory ' negro. Remember, by ' re- 
fractory'' they mean to designate that spirit which 
some high-souled negro manifests, when he fully 
recognizes the feet, that God's image is stamped up- 
on him. There are many such negroes in slavery. 
Their bodies may faint under the mfliction of ac- 
commulated wrong, but their souls cannot be crush- 
ed. After visiting the bar-room, go into the out- 
skirts of the town, and there you will find the slaves 
belonging to the drove, crowded into dilapidated 
huts, — some revelling — others apparently stupid — 
but others weeping over ties broken and hopes de- 
stroyed, with an agony intense, and to a free man, 
inconceivable. Many respectable planters in Lou- 



AMERICAN SLAVE TRADE. 123 

isiana have themselves gone into Maryland and Vh'- 
ginia, and purchased their slaves. Tiiey think it 
more profiable to do so. This shows I hat highly res- 
pectable men engage in this trade. But tliose who 
make it their regular employment, and thus receive 
the awfully significant tide of 'soul drivers,^ are 
usually brutal, ignorant, debauched men. And it 
is such men, who exercises despotic control over 
thousands of down-trodden, and defenceless men 
and women. 

" The slaves which pass down to the southern 
market on the Mississippi river and through the in- 
terior, are mostly purchased in Kentucky and Vir- 
ginia. Some are bought in Tennessee. In the 
emigration they suffer great hardships. Those who 
are driven down by land, travel from two hundred 
to a thousand miles on foot, through Kentucky, 
Tennessee, and Mississippi. They sometimes car- 
ry heavy chains the whole distance. These chains 
are very massive. They extend from the hands 
to the feet, being fastened to the wrists and ancles by 
an iron ring round each. When chained, every 
slave carries two chains, — i. e. one from each hand 
to each foot. A wagon in which rides ' the driver,' 
carrying coarse provisions, and a few tent coverings, 
generally accompanies the drove. Men, wo'nen and 
children, some of the latter very young, walk near 
the wagon; and if, through fatigue or sickness, they 
falter, the application of the whip remind.s them that 
they are slaves. They encamp out nights. Their 
bed consists of a small bliinket. Even this is frequent- 
ly denied them. A rude tent covers them, scarce, 
ly sufficient to keep off the dew or frost, much less 



124 AMERICAN SLAVE TRADE. 

the rain. They freqiiently remain in this situation 
several weeks, in the neighhorhood of son.e slave- 
trading village. The slaves are subject, while on 
their journeys, to severe sickness. On such occa- 
sions the drivers numifest much anxiety lest they 
should lose — their jroperty ! But even sickness 
does not prevent them from hurying their victims 
on to market. Sick, faint, or weary, the slave knows 
no rest. In the Choctaw nation, my informant met 
a large company of these miserable beings, follow- 
ing a wagon at some distance. From their appear- 
ance, being mostly females and children, and hence 
not so marketable, he supposed they must belong to 
some planter who was emigrating southward. He 
inquired if this was so, and if their master was taking 
them home. A woman, in tones of mellowed des- 
pair, answered him : — ' Oh, no, sir, we are not go- 
ing home ! We don't know where we are gomg. 
The speculators have got us /' " — H. B. Stanton. 

How Americans are exposed for sale. 

Mr. Robinson, a member of the Lane Seminary, 
a citizen of Nashville, Tennessee, where he was 
graduated, and has resided, says : — 

" After slaves arrive m market, they are subject- 
ed to the most degrading examinations. The pur- 
chasers will roll up their sleeves and pantaloons, 
and examine their muscles and joints critically, to 
ascertain their probable strength, and will even open 
their mouths and examine their teeth, with the same 
remarks, and the same unconcern, that they would 
a horse." 



AMERICAN SLAVE TRADE. 125 

The females are exposed to the same rude exam- 
inations as the men. When a large drove of slaves 
arrives in a town for sale, placards are put up at the 
corners of the streets, giving notice of ihe place and 
time of sale. Often they are driven through the 
streets for hours together (for the purpose of exhibi- 
ting them) exposed to the jeers and insults of the 
-spectators. About a year since, Mr. Robinson saw 
about a hundred men, women and children, exposed 
for sale at one tim.e in the market place at Nashville ; 
and while three auctioneers were striking them off, 
purchasers examined their lim.bs and bodies with in- 
human roughness and unconcern. This was ac- 
companied with profanity, indelicate allusions, and 
boisterous laughter. 

" There are planters in the northern slave-states, 
who will not sell slave families, unless they can dis- 
pose of them all together. This they consider more 
humane, — as it in fact is. But such kindnesses are 
of no avail after the victims come into the southern 
markets. If it is not just as profitable for the traders 
to sell them in families, they hesitate not a moment 
to separate husband and wife — parents and children, 
and dispose of them to purchasers, residing in sec- 
tions of the country, remote from each other. When 
they happen to dispose of whole families to the same 
man, they loudly boast of it, as an evidence of their 
huoianity." 

Separation of families. 

" Take the following facts as illustrative of the 
deep feeling of slave mothers for their children. It is 
furnished me by a fellow student who has resided 
11* 



1^6 AMERICAN SLAVE tUAM, 

much in slave states. I give it in his own \vords< 
'Some years since when travellinc; from HaHfax in 
North Carolina, to Warrenton in the same state, we 
passed a large drove of slaves on their way to Geor- 
gia. Before leaving Halifax, I heard that the drivers 
had purchased a number of slaves in that vicinity^ 
and started with them that morning, and that we 
should probably overtake them in an hour or two* 
Before coming up with the gang, we saw at a dis- 
tance a colored fi^male, whose appearance and ac- 
tions attracted my notice. 1 said to the stage-dri- 
ver, (who was a colored man,) 'What is the matter 
with that woman, is she crazy V ' No, massa,' said 
he, 'I know her, it is — . Her master sold her two 
children this morning to the soul-drivers, and she 
has been following along after tliem, and I suppose 
they have driven her back. Don't you think it would 
make you act like you was crazy, if they should take 
your children away, and you never see 'em any 
more V By this time we had come up with tlie wo- 
man. She seemed quite young. As soon as she 
recognized the driver, she cried out, ' they've gone ! 
they've gone ! The soul-drivers have got them. 
Master would sell them. I told him I could'nt live 
without my children. I tried to make him sell me 
too ;— but he beat me and drove me off, and 1 got 
away and followed alter them, and the drivers whip* 
ped me back : — and I never shall see my children 
again. Oh! what shall I do!' The poor creature 
shrieked and tossed her arms about with maniac 
wildness — and beat her bosom, and literally cast 
dust into the air, as she moved towards the village. 
At the last glimpse I had of her, she was nearly a 



AMEKiCAN SLAVE THAUfi. l27 

quarter of a mile from us, still throwing handfiills of 
Band around her, with ihe same phrenzied air." — H, 
JB, Stanlon. 

Prices for which Americans are sold. 

" The other day I attended a sale of slaves in the 
exchange. 

In one accustomed to such scenes, it excited no 
enviable feelings. The first spontaneous emotion 
of my heart was. that God never made men and wo- 
man to be sold like beast or bales of cotton, and to 
be separated from each olher, and- from their 
children, as I saw them separated ! And yet a Pres- 
byterian minister not long since in a sermon preach- 
ed before synod, asserted and attempted to prove 
from the Bible that ' slavery is no sin.^ 

There were 33 in the lot to be sold. As a speci- 
men, I suhjoin the prices of a few. 

Willis, 18 years old, brought $1400 
Jack, 29," 1200 

Adams,20, 1300 

Tom. 16, 1175 

Dick, 30, 1000 

Bill, 14, 660 

Mahnda,29, 500." 

Cincinnati Journal, 
The following conversation between two planters, 
one from North Carolina, and the other from iMissis- 
sippi, recently occurred on board one of our splen- 
did North River Steamboats. It was given to us 
in writing, by a respectable citizen of Poughkeepsie, 
who heard it* 



128 AMKUICAN SLAVE TRADE. 

Mississijjpian. What is a young negro boy worth 
in North Carolina? 

Carolinian. They fetch a great price there. 

M. Are slaves scarce there at present ? 

C. They are scarce and high. Tliose that have 
slaves are out of debt, and of course able to hold 
them, or get their price. 

M. What is a negro man worth? 

C I purchased one a short time since for $750. 

M. And what are women with children worth ? 

C They are much higlier in proportion to other 
slaves. 

M. Well, what would a good likely negro boy 
bring ? 

C. Under fiftv [pounds] they fetch NINE DOL- 
LARS PEPv PbUxND, that is the common price ! 

An. S. Record, 

The slave Market of America. 

The following advertisements will show why the 
capital of this natiun has been called " the slave 
market of America." 

"cash for 200 negroes. 

" We will give cash for two hundred likely young 
negroes, of both sexes, families included. Persons 
wishing to dispose of their slaves, will do well to 
give us a call, as we will give higher prices in cash, 
than any other purchasers who are now, or may 
hereafter come into this market. All communica- 
tions will meet attention. We can at all times be 
found at our residence on 7th street, immediately 
South of the Centre Market House, W^ashington, 
D. C. Joseph W. Neal & Co." 

September 13, 1834. 



AMERICAN SLAVE TRADE. 129 

One of the private prisons in Washington used for 
keeping slaves is owned by W. Robey, who is also 
engaged in the trade. In May 1834, a gentleman 
visited it and fell into conversation with the overseer 
o^the pen. He henrd the clanking of chains with- 
in the pen. " O," said the overseer — himself a 
slave, "I have seen fifty or seventy slaves taken 
out of the pen, and the males chained together in 
pairs, and drove off to the South — and how they 
would cry, and groan, and take on, and wring their 
bands, but the driver would put on the whip and tell 
them to shut up — so they would go off and bear it 
as well as they could." 

The standing advertisement of this house is as 
above. 

"CASH FOR 400 NEGROES. 

"Including both sexes, from 12 to 25 years of 
age. Persons having likely servants to dispose of 
will find it to their interest to give us a call, as 
we will give higher prices in cash than any other 
purchaser who is now, or may hereafter come into 
this market. 

"Feanklin & Armfield. 

" Alexandria, Sept. 1, 1834." 

Franklin and Armfield alone shipped to New-Or- 
leans during the year 1835, according to their own 
statement, not less than 1000 slaves. They own 
brigs of about 160 to 200 tons burthen, running re- 
gularly every thirfy days, durmg the trading season 
to New Orleans, and carrying about one slave to 
the ton. 



130 AMERICAN SLAVE TRADE. 

Facilities for carrying on the trade in human flesh. 

" Estnblishments are made at several places in 
Maryland and Virginia, at which they are sold like 
cattle. These places of deposit are strongly built, 
and well supplied with iron thumb screws and gags, 
and ornament ed wVh cowskiiis and other whips, of. 
tentimes bloody. Bui the laws of the Siaies permit 
the traffic, and it is suffered."— iV/Ze*' Register, vol 
'S5, p. 4. 

"The schooner Fell's Point, Capt. Sragg, has 
been seized at New Orleans for smuggling slaves 
into New Orleans from the West Indies, and the 
Captain, supercargo and crcvs', were cast into prison 
for trial. The supercargo is said to be an old of- 
fender, and possibly now is about to meet with some 
reward of his black crimes. — Niks' Register, Aug. 
27, 1825. 

In a very late work entitled " Transatlantic 
Sketches, comprising visits to the most interesting 
scenes in North and South America and the West 
Indies, with not(JS on negro Slavery and Canadian 
Emigration, by Capt. J. E. Alexander, of the Bri- 
tish Army, London, 1833," we find the following 
passage : 

" The most remarkable circumstance connected 
with slavery in America is the following. A plan- 
ter in Louisiana, of forty years standing, assured 
me that there are a set of miscreants in the city of 
New Orleans, who are connected wi;h the slave tra- 
ders of Cuba, and who at certain jieriods proceed up 
the Mississippi as far as the Fourche mouth, which 
tney descend in large row boats, ami meet off the 
coast slave siiips. These they relieve of their car- 



AMERICAN SLAVE TRADE. 131 

goes, and returning to the main stream of the Missis- 
sippi, they drop down it in covered flat bottomed 
boais or arks, and dispose of the negroes to those 
who want them." Vol. 2, p. 26. 

Sale of Americans at auctiou. 

During my sojourn in the capital of Virginia, 
(United States,) I was a witness, for the first time 
in my life, of a scene as degrading to human nature, 
as productive of horror and disgust to the friends of 
'humanity ; the following advertisement having been 
inserted for several days successively in the news. 
papers : 

" Monday next, at 9 A. M. at public sale, the 
slaves whos'3 names follow, all negroes of the first 
quality, namely : — Betsy, a negro woman, twenty, 
three years of age, with her child Csesar, three years 
old ; an excellent cook, washer and ironer; war- 
ranted healthy. Julia, a mulatto girl, aged thirteen, 
robust and active, a good field laborer ; with the ex- 
ception of a slight defect in the left eve, she is with- 
out fault. Augustus, a negro lad, six years of age, 
qualified to become an excellent domestic ; without 
defect. The aforesaid slaves will be sold without 
reserve to the highest bidder, and the purchaser will 
be able to obtain credit for two or even four months, 
upon good security. 

I was anxious to be present at such a strange 
commercial transaction, and I was there punctually. 
In the midst of various articles exposed for sale, 
such as pots, pans, beds, chairs, books, &c. &c., 
were seated the unhappy slaves, all crowded togeth- 
er, and all; as one .would imagine, appropriately 



132 AMERICAN SLAVE TRADE. 

clothed. The poor mother, with her child in her 
arms, was the first object that drew my attention. 
The auctioneer had placed her in such a manner, 
that she and her infant should be the first object seen 
by those who entered the market. Tiie customers, 
as they entered, cast their eyes upon the group so 
worthy of pity, to satisfy their curiosity, and exam- 
ined them as if they were gazin^j at some chef 
d'oeuvre produced by the chisel of Canova. I could 
not hel;-' shuddering with indignation, in considering 
the inditrcrence and gross rudeness with which tliesQ 
insensible men treat their slaves. Betsy was the 
only one who appeared to feel ali the rigors of her 
situation ; her eyes remained constantly fixt'd upon 
her infant, and if she raised them for a moment, it 
was to obey the order of a purchaser, who wished, 
probably, to assure hims'df tljat they were strong 
enough to support labor by day and by night ; but 
she had scarcely yielded to his injunction, ere they 
fell again upon the miserable infant which reposed 
on her bosom ; she even replied to all their ques- 
tions without raising here eyes to the person by 
whom she was addressed. 

It was not tiie same, however, with the other 
slaves ; they smiled at every jesr, and their large 
while eyes, like brilliants fastened to their foreheads, 
sparkled with joy at the gay conversation and at 

the witty remarks of ttie gentlemen who had 

come hither with the intention of purchasing human 
beings at a fair price. But the moment of the safe 
approaching, and several persons were assembled 
in the hall : the crier invited them to come out, and 
upon a table placed before the door in the middle of 



AMERICAN SLAVE TRADE. 138 

the Street, was exposed one of the slaves who were 
for sale. . 

Betsy and her child had the honor of figuring first. 
The crier stood upon a chair placed near. 1 dis- 
covered in the crowd a dozen negroes at least, who 
passing at the time, were drawn by curiosity to ap- 
proach, and appeared to follow with attention the 
procrress of the sale ; I could not forbear sympathiz- 
ing^'with the unhappy beings, in reading upon their 
countenances the interest with which their compan- 
ions in misery inspired them. " Let us proceed, gen- 
tlemen," cried the seller of human flesh m a stenlo- 
rian voice ;— "let us proceed, a woman for sale ! ^ 

" An excellent woman ; not a fault ! and a littie 
boy in the barizain. How much for the mother and 
child-250 dollars ; very well, sir, 8250 to begin. 
Some one has bid $250. Truly, gentlenfien, they 
sell cattle for a larger price ; $250 ; look at these 
eyes, examine these limbs— shall I say $200 ? 
Thanks, gendemen, some one has bid $260. It 
seems to me that I heard $275 ;— go on, gentle - 
men ; I have never sold such a bargain. How ! 
$280 for the best cook, tl e best washer and the best 
dressmaker in Virginia? Must I sell her for the mis- 
erable price of $280 ? $300 ; two gentlemen have 
said $300. Very well, gendeman ; I am happy to 
see YOU begin to warm a little ; some one bid 310— 
310, going— 330— 335— 340— 340, going— upon 
my honor, gentlemen, it is indeed a sacrifice to lose 
so good a cook ; a great bargain for $340. Reflect 
upon it a little, and do not forget there is a little boy 
in the bargain." 



12 



134 AMERICAN SLAVE TRADE. 

Here our auctioneer was interrupted in his ha- 
rangue by one of liis customers, a man whose ap- 
pearance had inspired me, from the first moment, 
with a feehng of horror, and who, with the indiffer- 
ence and sang froid of an assassin, made to him the 
following observation : " As for the negro child, it 
is good for nothing ; it is not worth a day's nourish- 
ment, and if I have the mother, I will jrive away the 
child very quick ; the first bidder will be able to 
have it at a cheap bargain." 

I glanced at the unfortunate mother, anxious to 
see what effect this barbarous proposal would have 
upon her. She did not speak, but a profound sad- 
ness was impressed on her countenance. The little 
innocent which she held in her arms, fixed his large 
eyes upon her, as if saying, " mamma, why do you 
weep ?" Then he turned toward the witnesses of 
this heart-rending scene, with an expression that 
seemed to ask, what ihey had done to his mother to 
make her weep so bitterly. No, never will this mo- 
ment escape my memory ; it has confirmed mo for 
for all my life in the liorror that I already felt at this 
infamous traffic. The auction continued, and final- 
ly the crier, striking a heavy blow with a hammer, 

pronounced the award ; to Mr. fur $360. The 

victim descended from the table and was led away 
by the purchaser. The other slaves were sold in 
thi^ same manner as poor Betsy. Julia was sold at 
^326, and Augustus at $105." They both fell to 
the same individual who had purchased the former 
lot. I had judged from his appearance that he 
might be some young farmer, and they assured me 
tliat such was the fact. 1 had at least one satisfac 



AMERICAN SLAVE TRADE. 135 

tion, that of thinking they had not fallen into the 
hands of a slave merchant by profession. In his 
eyes, it is trwe, miglit be seen the contentment of one 
who thinks he has made a good bargain, but he 
treated with mildness these unfortunate beings who 
had become his property ; he did not speak to them 
in a severe humiliating tone, so common to those 
who frequent these friglitful markets. — Travels of 
Arfvredson. 

Extent of this traffic. 

" According to New Orleans papers, there were 
imported into that port, during the week commen- 
cing on the 16th ult., from various por's in the Uni- 
ted States, 371 slaves, principally from Virginia." — 
JSihs' Register, Oct. 22, 1831. 

Supposing the above to be an average number, it 
would follow that the Domestic maritime Slave 
Trade supplies New Orleans with no less than twen- 
ty thousand slaves every year, three times the annu. 
al importation from abroad into the United States, 
when the foreign trade was most brisk. 

If to this number we add ten thousand for those 
landed in other states and territories, without touch- 
ing at New Orleans, and twenty thousand for the 
inland trade, it will make a total of fifty thousand 
men, bought and sold like swine in this professedly 
christian nation, every year. 

It is stated in the Natchez Courier, that during 
the year 1836, no less than two hundred and fifty 
ihouaand slaves were carried into Mississippi, Ala- 
bama, Louisiana, and Arkansas. Well hath the 
Great and Just One, said, "shall not my soul be 
avenged on such a nation as this?" 



136 ABOLITEONISTS. 

CHAPTER XVIII. 
ABOLITIONISTS. 
Their principles. 

1st. We hold that Congress has no right to abol- 
ish slavery in the southern stales. 

2d. We hold that slavery can only be lawfully 
abolished by the legislatures of the several states 
in which it prevails, and that the exercise of any 
other than moral influence to induce such abolition, 
is unconstitutional. 

3d. We believe that Congress has the same right 
to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, that 
the state governments have within their resjiecive 
jurisdictions, and that it is their du;y to elliice so 
foul a blot from the national escutcheon 

4th. We believe that American citizens have the 
riglu to express and publish their opinions of the 
consiiiutions, laws and institutions of any and eve- 
ry state and nation under H^javen ; and we mean 
never to surrender the hberty of speech, of the press, 
or of conscience — blessings we have inhciited from 
our fathers, and which we intend as far as we aie 
able, to transmit unimpaired 'o om- cliildren. 

5ih. We have uniformly depricaied ..11 f< rcibhi 
attemp's on the par; of the sl.ives to recover their 
hberty. And were it in our po^vcr ;<> adilress ihem, 
we would exhort tliem ;o oijseiv n q lietasid i-eaer- 
ful demeaiKH', and uoald .-issuie tii- in ilia no insur- 
rectionary movement on llieir [).iit, would rect ive 
from us the slightest aid or countenance. 



ABOLITIONISTS. 137 

6th. We would deplore any servile insurrection, 
both on account of the calamities which would attend 
it, and on account of the occasion which it might 
furnish of increased severity and oppression. 

7th. We are charged with sending incendiary 
pubhcations to the South. If by the term incendki' 
ry is meant publications containing arguments and 
iacts to prove slavery to be a moral and political 
evih and that duty and policy require its immediate 
abolition, the charge is true. But if this term is 
used to imply publications encouraging insurrection, 
and designed to excite the slaves to break their fet- 
ters, the charge is utterly and unequivocallly false. 

8th. We are accused of sending our publications 
to the slaves, and it is asserted that their tendency is 
to excite insurrections. Both the charges are false. 
These publications are not intended for the slaves, 
and were they able to read them they would find in 
them no encouragement to insurrection. 

9th. We are accused of employing agents in the 
slave stales to distribute our publications. We have 
never had one such agent. We have sent no pack^ 
ages of our papers to any person in those Slates for 
distribution, except to five respectable resident citi- 
zens, at their own request. But v/e have sent, by 
mail, single papers addressed to public officers, edi- 
tors of newspapers, clergymen and others. If, 
therefore, our object is to excite the slaves to insur- 
rection, the MASTERS are our agents ! 

10th. We believe slavery to be sinful, injurious 

to this and every other country in which it prevails ; 

we believe immediate emancipation to be the duty 

of every slaveholder, and that the immediate aboli- 

12* 



138 ABOLITIONISTS. 

tion of slavery, by those who have the right to abol- 
ish it, would be safe and wise. These opinions we 
have freely expressed, and we certainly have no ui- 
lention to refrain from expressinj^ them in future, 
and urging th(;m upon the conscience and hearts of 
our fellow-citizens who hold slaves or apologize for 
slavery. 

llth» We believe that the education of the poor is 
required by duty, by an' I a regard for the permanency 
of our repubhcan institutions. There are thousands 
and tens of thousands of our fellow-citizens, even in 
the free states, sunk in abject poverty, and who on 
account of their complexion, are virtually kept in 
ignorance, and whose instruction in certain cases is 
actually pronounced by law ! We are anxious to 
protect the rights and to promote the virtue and hap- 
piness of the colored portion of our population, and 
on this account we have been charged with a de- 
sign to encourage inter-marriage between the 
whites and blacks. This charge iias been repeat- 
edly, and is again denied, while we repeat that the 
tendency of our sentiments is to put an end to the 
criminal amalgamation that prevails wherever slave- 
ry exists. 

12th. We are accused of acts tliat tend to a dis- 
solution of the Union, and even of wishing to dis- 
solve it. We have never "calculated the value of 
the Union," because we believe it to be inestimable ,• 
and that the abolition of slavery will remove the 
chief danger of its dissolution ; and one of the many 
reasons why we cherish and will endeavor to pre- 
serve the Constitution is, that it restrains Congress 
from making any law abridging thf' freedom of 
speech or of the press." 



OBJECTS. 1*^9 

Such, fellow-citizens, are our principles.— Are 
they unworthy of republicans and of Christians? — 
Ex. Com. of the A. An. Slavery Sociely New York, 
Sept. 5, 1835. 

Objects. 
The object of this Society is the entire abolition 
of slavery in the United States. While it admits thnt 
each state in which slavery exists, has, by the Con. 
slitution of the United States, the exclusive right to 
letTislate in regard to its abolition in said state, it 
slTall aim to convince all our fellow-citizens, by ar- 
cTuments addressed to tiieir understandings and con- 
sciences, that slaveholding is a heinous crime m the 
sio-ht of God, and that the duty, safety, and best inter- 
ests of all concerned, require its immediate abandon- 
'ment, without expatriation. The Society will also 
endeavor, in a constitutional way, to influence Con- 
gress to put an end to the domestic slave trade, and 
to abolish slavery in all those portions of our coni- 
mon country which come under its control, especia,- 
ly in the District of Columbia, and likewise to pre- 
vent the extension of it to any state that may be 
hereafter admitted to the \]mon.---Constitutwn oj 
the A. An. Slavery Society, Art. n. 

This Society shall aim to elevate the character 
and condition of the people of color, by encourug- 
ing their intellectual, moral and rehg.ous improve- 
ment, and by removing pubhc prejudice, that tnus 
they mav, according to their intellectual and moral 
worth, share an equality with the whites, of civil and 
religious privileges; but this Society will never, in 
any way, countenance the oppressed in vindicating 



140 CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 

their rights by resorting to physical force. — Ih* 
Art. iii. 

Measures* 

1. To treat all men as men, — ^as immortal beings 
made in the image of the glorious God. 

2. To pray for the enslavers and the enslaved. 

3. To obtain and spread light upon the sin and 
evils of American slavery, by open, free. Christian- 
like discussion — by speaking the truth in love for all 
persons, and on all occusions. 



CHAPTER XIX. 

CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 

The following are all those parts of the Constitu- 
tion of the United States, which have been supposed, 
in any way to relate to the subject of slavery, or 
which can be consistently brought to bear upon it. 

Art. I. Sec. 2. Third clause. — '* Representa- 
tives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among 
the several states which may be mcluded within this 
Union, according to their respective numbers, which 
shall be determined by adding to the whole numiber of 
free persons, including those bound to service for a 
term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, 
three -ffths of all other persons.''^ 

Sec. 8. Among the enumerated powers of Con- 
gress is the following, which gives it full authority 
to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, viz : — 
*' The Congress shall have power to exercise exclu- 



CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 141 

slve legislation, in all cases whatsoever, over such 
district (not exceeding ten miles square) as may, by 
cession of particular states, and the acceptance of 
Concrress, become the seat of the government of 
the United States." 

A si(nilar power cdso extends to the territories, 
as appears from Art. IV. Sec. 3. — " The Congress 
shall have power to dispose of, and make all needful 
rules and regulations respecting the territory and 
other property belonging to the United States," &c. 

Art. IV. Sec. 2. Third clause. — " No person 
held to service or labor in one state, under the laws 
thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence 
of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from 
such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on 
claim of the pyrty to whom such service or labor 
may be due." 

The case of a fugitive fiom slavery in the Uni- 
ted States differs, from a fugitive from justice, in this 
respect : tlia! the latter is to be delivered up " on de- 
maud of the executive author! y of the slate from 
Which he fled, to be removed to the state having 
mrlsdiction of the crime ;" — there he is to be tried, 
oil principles of law and evidence common to all the 
states. But a |>erson n)<My be ciainnd as a fugitive 
slave, no tna! whatever, after lemoval, being coji- 
tem].)laied, or possibh'. It is thi iw'fore. evi'leut 'liat 
the^.stii es (^fUJiio j-iotect theij' oini citizens, unless 
the chutnaiit.sot' fugitive slaves are <-0!np( lieti to sub- 
slauiia e then- ehnms helbre ujiinj hy die precess of 
law. BaM ^M)_;les> I'.as liio^g n (ii .o legisi..!e on 
thus sii!)j(Ci. and ,o yi(;ld to tlie ciaifnaut aaiy pejson 
he may please to arrest as property, provided proof 



142 CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 

be made to the satisfaction of any magistrate lohom 
the claimant may select. The law is as follows : 

Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That when a 
person held to labor in any of the United States, or 
in either of the territories on the northwest or south 
of the river Ohio, under the laws thereof, shall 
escape into any other of the said states or territory, 
the person to whom such labor or service may be 
due, his agent or attorney is hereby empowered to 
seize or arrest such fugitive from labor, and to take 
him or her before any judge of the circuit or dis- 
trict courts of the United Slates, residing or being 
within the state, or before any magistrate ot a coun- 
ty, city, or town corporate, wherein such seizure or 
arrest shall be made, and upon proof io the satisfac- 
tion of such judge or magistrate, either by oral testi- 
mony or affidavit, taken before and certified by a 
magistrate of any such state or territory, that the 
person so seized or arrested, doth, under the laws 
of the state or territory from which he or she fled, 
owe service or labor to the person claiming him or 
her, it shall be the duty of such juilge or magistrate 
to give a certificate thereof to such claimant, his 
agent or attorney, which shall be sufficient warrant 
for removing the said fugitive from labor, to the state 
or territory from which he or she fled." 

Now compare this Act of Congress with Art. xii. 
the Constitution, {Amendments,) which rc-ads thus : — 
" In suits at common law, where the value in con- 
troversy shall exceed twenty dollars, the right of tri- 
al Dy jury shall be preserved ; and no fact tried by 
a jury shall bo otherwise re-examined in any court 
of the United States, than according to the rules of 
the common law." 



UNITED states' LAWS, &C. 143 

From this it is perfectly clear, that the foregoing 
Act, is not only unconstitutional, but directly subver- 
sive of the sta'e rights. 

The following clause in the Constitution empow- 
ers Congress to abolish the internal slave trade : 
*^ Congress shall have power — to regulate com- 
merce among the several states." — Art. I. Sec. 8. 

Were the slave trade abolished which is now car- 
ried on between the different states, slavery could 
not continue in this nation but a short time. See 
next chapter. 



CHA PTER XX. 

UNITED STATES' LAWS AGAINST THE 

SLAVE TRADE. 

Foreign slave trade. 

Sec. 4. And be it farther enacted, That if any 
citizen of the United States b(!ing of tlie crew or 
ship's company of any foreign ship or vessel engag- 
ed in the slave trade, or any ci izen, or vessel owned 
in the whole or part, or navigated for, or in behalf 
of any citizens of the United States, shall land, from 
any such ship or vessel, and on any foreign shore 
seizin any negro or mulatto, not held to service or la- 
bor by the laws of either of the states or territories of 
the United States, with intent to nrake such negro or 
mulatto a slave, shall decoy, or forcibly bring or car- 
ry, or shall receive such negro or mulatto on board 
any such ship or person whatever, being of the crew 
or ship's company of any ship or vessel, with 



144 UNITED states' LAWS, 6cC. 

intent as aforesaid, such citizen or person shall be 
adjudged a PIRATE, and ou conviction thereof, be- 
fore the circuit court of the United States, for the dis- 
trict wherein he may be brought or found, shall suf- 
fer BEATH.—Approvefl May 15, 1820. 

Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That if any 
citizen of the United States, being of the crew or 
ship's company of any foreign ship or vessel engag- 
ed in the slave trade, or any person whatever, being 
of the crew or ship's company, of any ship or ves- 
sel, owned wholly or in part, or navigated for, or 
in behalf of any citizen or citizens of the United 
States, shall forcibly confine, or detain, or aid and 
abet in forcibly confining, or detaining, onboard 
such ship or vesst4, any negro or mulatto, not held 
to service by the laws of either of the states or ter- 
ritories of the United States, with intent to make 
such negro or mulatio a slave, or shall, on board 
any such ship or vessel olTer or attempt to sell, as 
a slave, any negro or mulatto, not held to service as 
aforesaid, or shall, on the high seas, or any where 
on tide water transfer or deliver over to any other 
ship or vessel, any negro or mulatto, not held to ser- 
vice as aforesaid, with intent to makfe such negro or 
mulatto a slave, or shall land, or deliver on shore, 
from on board any such ship or vessel, any such 
negro or mulatto, with intent to make sale of, or 
having previously sold, such negro or mulatto, as a 
slave, such citizen, or person shall be adjudged a 
riRATE, and on conviction thereof, before the circuit 
court of the United States fjr the district wherein 
he shall be brought, or found, shall sutler death. — 
Approved, May, 15, 1820. 



UNITED states' LAWS. 145 

American slave trade* 

From the following extracts it will be seen, that 
the domestic slave trade, also now carried on in 
this nation, is most explicitly condemned by the law 
of these United States. 

" Whereas, the traffi-c in slaves is irreconcilable 
with the principles o[ humanity and justice, and 
whereas, both His Majesty and the United States 
are desirous of continuing their efforts to promote 
its ENTIRE ABOLITION, it is hereby agreed that both 
the contracting parties shall use their best endeavors 
to accomplish so desirable an object." — Treaty of 
peace between His Britanic Majesty and the United 
States of America signed at Ghent, Dec. 24, 1814. 
Art. X. 

*' This treaty shall be binding on both parties." — 
lb. Art. xi. 

Now compare the above with the following : — 
" All treaties made, or which shall be made, un- 
der the authority of the United States, shall be the 
SUPREME LAW OF THE LAND ; and the judges in 
every state shall be bound thereby, any thing in the 
Constitution or laws of any state to the contrary not- 
withstanding." — Constitution of the United States, 
Art. vi. 

Hence it appears, that the " supreme law " of 
this land is opposed to the "traffic in slaves," and 
the good Jaith of the United States is pledged to 
promote its ^'entire abolition." 
13 



146 FREEDOM OF SPEECH 

CHAPTER XXI. 

FREEDOM OF SPEECH AND OF THE PRESS, 

The following extracts from the United States* 
Ck)nstitLition, and from the Bills of Rights, and Con- 
stitutions of the several states, will show how high 
an estimate was once put upon the freedom of 
speech and of the press, by the fathers of our coun- 
try. 

Congress. 

" Congress shall make no law respecting the es- 
tablishment of religion, or prohibiting the [ree exer- 
cise thereof J or abridgivg the freedom of speech, or 
of the press; or the right of the people peaceably 
to assemble, and to petition the government for a 
redress of grievances." — Constitution U. S. Art, 
Hi, Amendments. 

Maine. 

Every citizen may freely speak, write and publish 
his sentiments on any subject, being responsible for 
the abuse of this liberty. No laws shall be passed 
regulating or restraining the freedom of the press. 

Massachusetts. 

The liberty of the press is essential to security of 
freedom in a state ; it ought not, therefore, to be re- 
strained in this commonwealth. 



AND OF THE PRESS. 147 



New Hampshire. 

The liberty of the press is essential to the security 
of freedom in a state ; it ought, therefore, to be in- 
violably preserved. 

Vermont. 

The people have a right to a freedom of speech, 
and of writing and publishing their sentiments con- 
cerning the transactions of government, and there- 
fore the freedom of the press ought not to be re- 
strained. 

Connecticut. 

Every citizen may freely speak, write, and publish 
his sentimens on all subjects, being responsible fjr 
the abuse of that liberty. 

No law shall ever be passed to curtail or restrain 
the liberty of speech or of the press. 

New York. 

Every citizen may freely speak, write, and pub- 
lish his sentiments on all subjects, being responsible 
for the abuse of that right ; and no law shall be pass- 
ed to restrain or abridge the liberty of speech, or of 
the press. In all prosecutions, or indictments for 
libels, the truth may be given in evidence to the ju- 
ry : and if it shall appear to the jury, that the matter 
charged as libellous is true, and was published with 
good motives, and for justifiable ends, the party shall 
be acquitted, and the jury shall have the right to de- 
termine the law and the fact. 



148 FREEDOM OF SPEECH 



Pennsylvania. 

The printing presses shall be free to every per- 
son who undertakes to examine the proceedings of 
the Legislature, or any branch of government ; and 
no law shall ever be made to restrain the right there- 
of. The free communication of thoughts and opin- 
ions is one of the invaluable rights of man ; and ev- 
ery citizen may freely speak, write, and print on 
any subject, being responsible for the abuse of that 
liberty. 

Delaware. 

The press shall be free to every citizen who un- 
dertakes to examine the official conduct of men act- 
ing in a public capacity ; and any citizen may print 
on any such subject, being responsible for the abuse 
of that liberty. 

Maryland. 

The liberty of the press ought to be inviolably 
preserved 

Virginia. 

The freedom of the press is one of the great bul- 
warks of liberty, and can never be restrained but 
by despotic governments. 

North Carolina. 

The freedom of the press is one of the great bul- 
warks of liberty, and therefore ought never to be re- 
strained. 



AND OF THE PRESS. 149 



Soath Carolina. 



The trial by jurj^, as heretofore used in this state, 
and the hberty of the press, shall be for ever invio- 
lably preserved, j 

Georgia* 

Freedom of the press, and trial by jury, as here- 
tofore used in this state, shall remain inviolate ; and 
no ex post facto law shall be passed. 

Kentucky, Tennessee, Indiana, Louisiana and 
Illinois. 

The printing presses shall be free to every person 
who undertakes lo examine the proceedings of the 
legislature, or any branch of government ; and no 
law shall ever be made to restrain the right thereof. 
The free communication of thoughts and opinions is 
one of the invaluable rights of man ; and every citi- 
zen may freely speak, write, and print on any sub- 
ject, being responsible for the abuse of that liberty. 

Ohio. 

The printing presses shall be open and free to 
every citizen who wishes to examine the proceed- 
ings of any branch of government, or the conduct 
of any public officer ; and no law shall ever restrain 
the right thereof. Every citizen has an indisputa- 
ble right to speak, write, or print upon any subject, 
as he thinks proper, being liable for the abuse of tha't 
liberty. 

18* 



160 OBJECTIONS ANSWERED. 



Mississippi. 



Every citizen may freely speak, write, and pub. 
lish his sentiments on all subjects, being responsible 
for the use of ihat liberty. 

No law shall ever be passed to curtail or restrain 
the liberty of speech or of the press. 



Alabama.] 



Every citizen may freely speak, write, and pub- 
lish his sentiments on all subjects, being responsible 
for the abuse of that liberty. 



Missouri, 



The free communication of thoughts and opinions 
is one of the invaluable rights of man; and every 
person may freely speak, write, and print on any 
subject, being responsible for the abuse of that 
liberty. 



CHAPTER IXII . 
OBJECTIONS ANSWERED. 

1, "The Bible recognizes, and of course in some 
circumstances, justifies slavery." 

One sentence is sufficient to dispose of this argu- 
ment. Slave holders refuse the Bible to their slaves. 
Strange that they should fear to add moral chains 
to the physical / 



OBJECTIONS ANSWERED. 161 

2. "Abolitionists are too sweeping in their de- 
nunciation. Slavery is not always, as they affirm, 
a sin, because slaves are often treated with kind- 
ness." 

So are horses. Is it right to put a man to the 
place of a horse, provided that horse is a beloved 
and favorite one ? And would you judge it kind 
treatment, if you were, under any circumstances, 
robbed of your liberty, and bought and sold like a 
beast ?" 

3. " The slaves are unfit for freedom." 

Are they all unfit? If not, then you must be an 
immediate abolitionist in regard to those who are 
fit. If they are, then how can any of them ever be 
made fit, for some, nay, many of them, have alrea- 
dy enjoyed long enough all the possible influences 
which can be supposed to fit men for freedom while 
in a state of s'avery. 

4. " Slaves are paid wages, inasmuch as they re- 
ceive from their master food and clothing." 

"It takes two to make a bargain." You might 
as well call the grease he puts on his cart wheels, 
the wages of the ox and of the cart, as to call the food 
and clothing of the slave his wages. 

5. "Many slaves have religious privileges. Their 
masters labor for the salvation of their souls." 

So long as the slaves are kept in ignorance of the 
Bible, and of their own rights as men, and conse- 
quently of their duties to God and man ; and so 
long as their persons and purity are not protected 
either by public opinion or by the laws, their piety 
must be of a doubtful character. 



163 OBJECTIONS ANSWERED. 

6. " Many would not take their freedom if it were 
offered them." 

Fairly and constantly give a man the option of lib- 
erty, and he can no longer be your slave. He may 
still be the slave of unjust laws, the victim of a wick- 
ed public sentiment, but he is not your slave, though 
he may choose to serve you under that name. 
Abolitionisfs do not trouble themselves about voliin. 
iary self sold slaves : there are millions who would 
take their freedom if they could get it. 

7. " The slaves are better off than the free 
blacks." 

According to our Declaration of Independence, 
every man has the right to be his own judge about 
his own " happiness." Now the question with 
us, is not whether the free blacks are happier, but 
whether they /ee/ happier than tiiey would in slave- 
ry. If not, it is the plainest thing in the world, that 
they would become slaves, as they may easily do 
any day. 

8. " The slaves in this country are better off 
than they would have been had they been left in 
Africa." 

This may be true, and yet no thanks be due to 
slaveholders for it. Those who kidnapped men on 
the coast of Africa did it to make merchandize of 
them. Those who purchased them, did it not to 
make Christians of them, but to receive the benefit 
of their labor. Hence the crucifiers of Christ are 
entitled to as many thanks for the salvation of souls, 
as slaveholders are for any benefit which slaves may 
derive from being enslaved. 



OBJECTIONS ANSWERED. 153 

9. " The slaves have been * entailed ' upon slave- 
holders." 

If slaves have been entailed upon slaveholders, 
we know from observation, that they are very willing 
to receive and retain the entailment. Why, then, 
should they complain? 

10. "Slaveholders know that slavery is a curse, 
and are opposed to it, but cannot get rid of it." 

If they know it to be a curse, they seem not to 
believe that their slaves are curses, or, if they do, 
they are very loth to part with curses. When one 
runs away instead of calling in their friends to re- 
joice with them, they make chase with all possible 
speed after the poor curses, and sometimes offer 
fifty, a hundred, two hundred, or even five hundred 
dollars reward to any man who will take up and con- 
fine the curse until they can get it again. 

11. " The slaves would cut their masters' throats 
if emancipated." 

If they do so, it must be to get out of freedom, 
and according to this objection, there is more dan- 
ger of the slaves killing their masters to get back 
into slavery, which may be done without any killing, 
than to get out of slavery, which often cannot be 
done without killing ! To be serious, an objection 
so disgraceful to human nature should not be 
brought forward without some fact to stand on. To 
the honor of our species, we are bold to SLy no such 
fact ever has been, or ever will be. See the histo- 
ry of all past emancipations, especially of 80,000 
slaves in the British Colonies on the 1st of August, 
1834. 

12. " The slaves if emancipated would not work.'* 



154 OBJECTIONS ANSWERED. 

Well, what if they would not ? Who has a right 
to compel them to work ? Who made the slave- 
holder the executioner of God's sentence, that 
man shall eat bread in the sweat of his face ? Not 
God, surely, for the slave-holder is himself a rebel 
against that sentence, eating his bread in the sweat 
of other people's faces. 

13. *' If the slaves were set free, amalgamation 
would take place." 

Not without the consent of the parties interested. 
And the citizens o[ih'\s free country should be the 
last in the world to infringe upon the will of these 
parties, for the right to choose a partner for life is 
so exclusive and sacred, that it is never interfered 
with, except by the worst of tyrants. But where 
does amalgamation exist? Among the abolitionists 
of the North, or the slave-holders at the South? 
Where slavery has been abolished in the British 
West Indies, amalgamation has been abolished with 
it. If the objector is not satisfied with this answer, 
we turn him over to his brother objector, who says, 
that the blacks ought always to be slaves, because 
nature has planted such an antipathy between them 
and the whites that they can never intermingle. 

14. " But suppose the entire North convened to 
your doctrines and society, that does not make the 
South give up the slave." 

One thing is certain ; the South never will give 
the slave up until the North is converted to our doc- 
trines. While the North regards the colored man 
as it now does, it would be a Herculean, a desper- 
ate enterprise for the South to undertake the eman- 
cipation of the slave. The North must make its 



OBJECTIONS ATCSWERED. 155 

peace with the " free colored man," before the South 
can emancipate the slave. It would not save the 
country, or free the slave, to enact the abolition of 
slavery by Congress, and by every State General 
Court in the Union, without a moral change in the 
white population towards the black, and the conse- 
quent revolution of feeling in the black towards the 
white man. Nothing can effect this change but the 
action and prevalence of anti-slavery societies and 
principles. 

15. ' You declaim of the evils of slavery, and 
tell stories of sufferings — but haw are you go- 
ing to help it? Your object — your means — what 
signifies all this talk while you do nothing ? You have 
not emancipated a single slave." 

Our object is the abolition of slavery, to wit, of 
mastery. Our means, and only means — all we need, 
and all we desire is, the converting our negro-hating 
and negro.scorning countrymen to our principles and 
our ranks. This we aim to effect in our ordinary 
way of the age ; by association, preaching, the press 
and prayer. These are the principles and mea- 
sures, which professors of religion and doctors of 
divinity, " deprecate J''' 

16. " We are all abolitionists at the North, and 
what would you have more of us ?" 

Just such abolitionists you are, we reply, as slave- 
holding desires, and requires you to be. Abolition- 
ists, who, opposing and overthrowing every doc- 
trine and system you really dislike, let slavery ga 
unmolested ; who treat colored people among you as 
if they were made for slavery ; who discourage 
tiieir moral and intellectual elevation all in your 



156 OBJECTIONS ANSWERED. 

power ; who mob their friends among you for advo- 
cating their right to freedom ; who tear down schools 
erected for their instruction ; go Sontii and hold 
slaves yourselves — are slave-holders to the extent 
of your occasion and convenience. 

17. "The measures of the abolitionists tendon- 
ly to perpetuate slavery." 

Do they, indeed! Then pray how comes it to 
pass, that those at the South, who defend slavery as 
the " corner stone of our repubUcan edifice," and 
wish it perpetuated, are so much opposed to our 
measures? How is it that the defenders of slavery 
are every where opposed to our measures, and de- 
clare that we ought to be put to death for them 
without benefit of clergy, if our measures tend to put 
otf emancipation and to prolong the existence of 
slavery? Ila, friend ? 

18. " The slave-holders cannot emancipate, on 
account of the laws forbidding it." 

In the same way individual robbers cannot cease 
to plunder on account of the rules and regulations 
of the land to which they belong. And did Daniel 
refuse to pray to the living God, when a law was 
made by the government under which he lived to 
prevent it. Did the apostles refuse to preach, 
when forbidden by the magistrates ? 

19. "But emancipation under such laws would 
be an injury to the slave." 

Of that, the slave must be left to judge, because 
his is the right to judge. It is for him to say wheth- 
er or not he will take shelter from a gang of 
wolves in the den of some very generous individu- 
al wolf. 



OBJECTIONS ANSWERED. 157 

20. "The interferences of abolitionist injure the 
slave, and make his condition worse." 

Then it was bad before. But is it worse ? It 
would be very convenient for slave-holders to say 
so. But when are. tyrants most likely to be humane, 
generous, kind ? — When no one questions their good- 
ness or their rights, or, when narrowly watched, 
and laid under the strongest motives to show them- 
selves as they have affirmed themselves to be? 

21. "Abolition endangers the Union ? 

The threat of separation is almost out of date. 
The North is not urged to recede from the Union ; 
the South would not gain anything by it. A disso- 
lution of the Union would be the death blow to 
slavery. 

22. " Your operations tend to excite insurrec- 
tions." 

This is a mistake. Insurrections are always ex- 
cited by oppression, never by the hope of relief. 

23. "They disturb the harmony of the churches." 
Precisely that harniony which ought to be dis- 

tured, viz : harmony of sin. And what is the spirit- 
ual condition of the church, or any branch of it 
which cannot bear the plain and faithful declara- 
tion of the whole counsel of God ? We must not re- 
buke sin lest it disturb "the peace of the church!" 
14 



INDEX 



Abolitionists, ..... 136 

Advertisements of Americans for sale, . 115 

American slave trade, . . . 114,145 

Americans reduced to slavery by Laws of tlie 

United States, .... 

Americans sold for the benefit of the church 
Anderson, Rev. R. N. 
Arguments for slavery answered, 
Arguments against slavery. 
Auction, slave 



Bangs, Dr. .... 

Bible arguments for slavery answered, 
Brown, E. . . . . 

Burning alive, 

Capers, Dr. 

Carlisle, Rev. W. 

Cat- bawling, 

Charleston Courier, 

Charleston Observer, 

Civil condition of the enslavt 

Christ did not condemn slavery. 

Color does not exempt from slavery, 

Compensation, allowed to Jewish servants 

Constitution of the United States 

Counter Appeal, 

Covetousness, . . 



108 

119 

57 

25 

40 

131 



68 
25 
65 
86 

64 

48 
80 
49, 65 
19 
13 
26 
11 
38 
140 
67 
41 



100 



IN 01 I 



Daleho, Dr. |^ 

I>«w. Prof. . ^ 

District of (oJumUt. 104 

Duer, Dr. ^ 

Dut««« of Muter*. . . . 4J 

Eourmotti ftbuM-* to!tr»(*<i IB f.' I .• ; ( . ». \\\ 
Klftntple of Iho J««a. ]|6 

KxpUoaiioa. ^ 

cipAiioa, . .31 

Fa«U (UmoosU«tiri£ »: ^-cr ^f co:.\.m^^ 

•^•'^n^ 94 

F*rtjum. Dr. .06 

>*»«!tnf» bfa F*the; .74 

Ti»k. Dr Gi 

>*loff,nf. . . :^ 

Kor«.|o .Ur. IT*4», liO, 14J 

Fraud, . . . iJ 

Fro«>iiom of •pM«h and of tto ^TMs, U€, IM 

Fuf iliT* •rrTuit«« . . J7 

FufiUv« •]•?•• unproU«tMi, lot 

G«n»r«l A*««mbljr of the PrMbrtrrtftA cKurrK M 

C;«nof*l Conf'. Metho«li«t H. charch. la l-^Si. O 

II«tth*nt of ihi« country. lS« •!•«»• ^o coo««d«r«^. IS 

Ho!j», Vrof. ..... S4 

Hv»p«'wcll Trvabitrrr. . . . W 

llosbaada and wKn 7»Tr>t»ct<sf T7 

I m awdiaU Ema . d<l 



I :< D K X . 

J«wUh •enrilude, . . . • • 

Jono«, C. C. hf letlirnmi- -- '•■ " -^ "ionl ro: dl- 
lion of iho §U»c«, 

K.Jntppinp, - '' 

KindiieM, 

Lic«nlion»4©iw of •Uvet. . • • • 

M mstealing, . • 

M irriag* of fewiiH •erv»nl», 

M'tlcrs menlionod in ihc New TcfUnieiit, 

M. 1. uroi of iho •bolHionUu. 

M ; . :i»l(^cl»urch in 17K0, 

MiM. Soc. S. C. C«»i.Aronc'. 

Moral condiiion of lli« ci.»Uvod, 

Mother, a •livo • 

Murder, 

Nation, rwipoo«>'''" 
Number cn»UTod, 

t)bject»on» anSweq^l. ^^' 

( ){i|irrMkion, . • • ■ * 

Orphan* adveHi»od for »aln, 

P»xton, Rev. J. 1>. 

Po»lcll. Rev. J. C 

rricm fbr which Atnerican» are Bold, • 

Praclical aUTcry, . . . • 

FrivUcgoa of the Gospel, iUvc« dealitute of them, 

•Quarterly Ch. Spectator, 

14* 



162 



Index. 



Reasons for discussing this subject, , . J 13 

Robbery, ! 42 

Runaways, method of capturing them, . * 81 

Scripture argument against slavery, . . 49 

Seabrook, W. B. * cc 

c • ^ • • • "5 

Sentiments favorable to the perpetuity of slavery, 44 

Separation of families, . . . 70 72 125 

Servants not held as property, . . .26 

Servants mentioned in the New Testament, '. 27 

Servants under the yoke, .... 29 

Shocking barbarities, .... 85 

Slavery defined, .... 9 

Slave market, ..... 128 

Smylie, Rev. J. • . . . ! 53 

Specific directions of tho New Testament, , 31 

Strangers, laws for the protection of . . 37 

Synod of South Carolina and Georgia, . I4, 54 

Synod of Virginia, ..... 57 



Thome, J. A. 



20 



Thornwell, Rev. J. H 47 

Traffic in men. How it is carried on, . 42, 121 

Union Presbytery, ... 53 

United States a slave-holding nation, . 102 

United States' Laws against the slave trade, . 143 

Whedon, Prof. «... 68 

Winans, Rev. W. g3 

Western Luminary, , , . , 19 



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